Aurrekontuz hitz batzuk

Hasierarako, ikus Aurrekontu orekatua?1

Laster argitaratzekoak, blogean:

Aurrekontuz hitz bi (1) eta Aurrekontuz hitz bi (2)2

Aurrekontuz hitz bi (3)3


(a) Defizitak eta superabitak: beste behin, just in case4

(b) Bill Mitchell Finantza Ministro(a)z ari5

….hiru sektoreen balantzea honela idatz daiteke:

(A – I) = (G – Z) + (E – i).

Alegia, aurrezki pribatu totalak (A) hauexek berdintzen ditu: barne inbertsio pribatua (I) gehi defizit publikoa (gastuak, G, ken zergak, Z) gehi esportazio netoak (esportazioak, E, ken inportazioak, i).”

Ez ahazteko ondoko linkean dagoena6.

Irakur iruzkinak.

2 Ingeleses: British Labour Party is mad to sign up to the ‘Charter of Budget Responsibility’,

3 Ingelesez: The non-austerity British Labour party and reality – Part 2,

6 Ikus The full employment fiscal deficit condition:

Iruzkinak (3)

  • joseba

    Jeremy Corbyn is breaking down the neo-liberal Groupthink

    “Broadening the application, the GFC was a powerful demonstration of the failure of the neo-liberal belief that self-regulating markets would deliver economic stability and maximise wealth for all.
    The response by governments – fiscal stimulus packages – also proved beyond doubt that the mainstream economics paradigm that had convinced itself and others that fiscal policy was ineffective in dealing with fluctuations in economic activity and that fiscal deficits would only drive inflation and interest rates up was patently false.
    Yet, these interlinked myths form the basis of the dominant policy paradigm in economics.
    (…) it is a fairly safe bet that the Eurozone mess is a result of neo-liberal Groupthink among the European political elites who have appeared to have been in denial as to the crazy system they have created and then pushed to its logical extremes – which has resulted in millions of people losing their jobs, poverty rates rising, suicide rates rising, a significant proportion of youth disenfranchised from any chance of prosperity, cities and regions being hollowed out, and more.
    When the Maastricht process was being debated, the major critics were from outside Europe which engendered a sort of xenophobic response. It was as if you had to be European and living in the cocooned world of the Brussels bureaucracy for you to understand the European Project.
    So while the critics saw a system being designed that would fail at its first major test, the European policy makers, in total denial, preached subsidiarity and all the rest of the buzz words and concepts that accompanied their mad plan.
    In the article (September 18, 2015) – Jeremy Corbyn and the rise of groupthink – one John Springford writes that:
    Jeremy Corbyn’s rise to the Labour leadership heralds an era of ideological contest that threatens Britain’s membership of the EU – and the United Kingdom itself.
    Which implies, of course, that British Labour under the Blairites were in the same ideological camp as the Tories – a proposition I would have to agree with.
    For the Centre for European Reform Author, Jeremy Corbyn has become a surfer who has come from Labour Party obscurity to the top job “on a wave of groupthink”.
    First, the author says that “The British left never fully accepted Blair’s Third Way – and his greatest mistake, the Iraq war, provided the pretext for their demonisation of him. Corbynistas disparage the party’s centrists as “red Tories” – a process Janis defined as “stereotyping” opponents as spiteful and biased.
    My understanding of the rising of Jeremy Corbyn is that he has not just relied on the “British left”, by which we must take to mean the old industrial union guard, who clearly despised the spivs who pushed the New Labour agenda.
    He seems to have invigorated a new generation of political activism, particularly among the young, who have become ‘political’ in the more formal sense.
    They are rejecting the claims that the neo-liberal era has been successful. They see the evidence in the unemployment queues and the food poverty. Corbyn’s popularity is on the back of the clear failure of the existing consensus that the Tories and New Labour formed.
    It also seems that in a political environment, which is adversarial by definition, there will always be conflictual attitudes displayed towards one’s political opponents. If disparaging the New Labourites is the only thing that Corbyn’s supporters have done, then it stretches the meaning of Groupthink – makes it a rather lame concept devoid of any real distinction.
    Progressive people have been let down by the New Labour policies which did buy into the neo-liberal consensus (that is, Groupthink) that the Tories would claim is their natural ideological terrain.
    My reading of the situation is that the Corbyn Camp now realises it has five years to take this ‘New politics’ – the grass roots uprising against the smug neo-liberal consensus that the New Labour formed with the Tories – to the people and to use the construal capacities of human cognition to alter the way people think about politics and economics and everything else.
    Jeremy Corbyn is a reflection of that grass roots uprising which has stunned the entrenched political elites. Rather than the Corbyn rise being a rise of Groupthink, I would cast it as being a movement that is demonstrating the fiascos of the neo-liberal Groupthink – the Tories and New Labour – it is tearing that denial group of elites apart.
    First, empowering fiscal policy and downgrading the importance of monetary policy is not a throwback to a failed past. Rather it is sound economics.
    The nations that deployed the largest fiscal stimulus packages around 2008-09 are now growing faster than those that embraced austerity. Even the Tories under Cameron abandoned their ideological obsession with austerity in 2012 when it was clear the British economy would triple-dip back into recession.
    Privatisation has also failed to deliver on the promises that were made by the conservatives. It makes sense to reverse the worst of these acts of vandalism.
    But beyond that I understand Jeremy Corbyn to be advocating a range of progressive paths in education, housing, health etc that are clearly “alternative roads” to the current policy consensus.
    Corbyn wants to break with the austerity and austerity-lite that are the only choices the British people have had in the recent period.
    I consider the grass roots movement that extends well beyond what we would call the traditional British left is, in fact, a challenge to the existing neo-liberal Groupthink.
    This challenge has endless possibilities to break out of the narrow confines that British politics has been stuck in since the late 1970s.
    It has the capacity to challenge many of the policy positions that demonstrably favour the high income and wealthy groups in Britain.
    It is up to the skill of Jeremy Corbyn now to harness his popularity into an outward-looking grass roots movement that provides inclusive policies to benefit the vast majority of British citizens and breaks the hegemony of the existing Groupthink.”

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