Kosovo: zer gertatu zen, zergatik, nola zabaldu zuten afera?


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

eka. 3

This Financial Times commentary from March 2004 is a rare example of good journalism on Kosovo in western media


Nato’s Kosovo dream is dead – Christopher Caldwell, Financial Times Commentary 27 March 2004 -…

Financial Times Commentary Saturday 27th March 2004 Nato’s Kosovo dream is dead By CHRISTOPHER CALDWELL It is not surprising to hear Goran Svilanovic, the Serbian foreign minister, describe recent…

Financial Times Commentary Saturday 27th March 2004

Nato’s Kosovo dream is dead


It is not surprising to hear Goran Svilanovic, the Serbian foreign minister, describe recent violence against the Serbs of Kosovo as “ethnic cleansing”. The use of the term by Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, might also be taken with a grain of salt. But today the expression gets thrown around even by those from whom one might expect optimism about conditions in the former Yugoslavia Carl Bildt, former United Nations special envoy to the region, for instance, or Gregory Johnson, US admiral, Nato commander for Southern Europe. That ought to rouse the west from its complacency.

With the European Union set to take over Bosnian peacekeeping operations from Nato later this year and with the US tied up in Iraq, Europe is going to get a second chance to calm the Balkans, whether it wants it or not. But when EU foreign ministers urged a “secure and multiethnic Kosovo” last week, they left the impression that their continuing priority was to fend off self doubt over the wisdom of Nato’s 1999 war against Serbia. Kosovo is getting less “multiethnic” by the hour; on Thursday an Albanian newspaper editorialised that there is “only one ethnic group” in the province. Whether Kosovo becomes “secure” again depends on whether western governments can rethink their mission from the ground up.

Ethnic cleansing” is indeed an appropriate description for what happened in the days after March 17. An anti-Serb rampage by ethnic Albanians left 28 dead and 900 injured (including 80 peacekeepers), made refugees of 3,500 more and destroyed 280 houses and 30 churches. And “pogrom”, a term bandied about by Vojislav Kostunica, Serbian prime minister, is an appropriate metaphor for the course of the violence. When two Albanian boys drowned in the Ibar river and one went missing, a companion who survived said they had been chased to their deaths by Serbs with a pit bull terrier. But one peacekeeper seconded to Kosovo from the Northern Ireland Police Service told the Financial Times: “We have conducted a professional investigation in the cold light of day, and there is no evidence to corroborate the story.” In Svinjare, where all 136 Serbian houses were destroyed and those marked with Albanian flags were left standing, vandals wrote their names on the Serb owned buildings that they wished to claim once the Serbs were permanently gone, according to The New York Times.

The attacks were orchestrated. On the first day of rioting convoys of buses brought ethnic Albanian youths from Pristina to the embattled town of Mitrovica to help an assembled crowd fight its way across a bridge into the city’s Serbian quarter. In Djakovica, 1,000 people with guns and grenades attacked Italian Kfor soldiers protecting a monastery, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung reported. Kfor vehicles travelling around the province were blocked by parked buses.

Javier Solana, the EU foreign policy chief, on a visit to Kosovo to commemorate the fifth anniversary of Nato’s war on Serbia, called the local mobs “criminals”. But they are also a kind of guerrilla army, pursuing specific political aims. Albanian Kosovars are using ethnic cleansing to make independence for the province, which still belongs officially to Serbia, a fait accompli. They see that Nato has been willing to buy peace at the price of letting Kosovo Serbs melt away from their province. Since 1999, 230,000 Kosovo natives mostly Serbs, Montenegrins and Roma have registered as UN refugees in neighbouring countries. In Pristina and Kosovo Polje, the Serbs are almost all gone, so no one is even left to complain. Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the new secretary general of Nato, is wise to this game. He has warned that violence will not affect final status negotiations, adding: “That goes more specifically for the ethnic Albanian community.” And Mr de Hoop Scheffer has announced that Nato will reinforce its 18,500 strong contingent by 2,000 soldiers.

But, with talks on Kosovo’s final status scheduled for next spring, the EU’s vision of the province is losing its purchase on reality. The countries with peacekeeping troops there continue to oppose ethnic Albanian calls for independence. But the EU’s own competing vision of a “multiethnic” Kosovo has no demographic basis now that there are only 100,000 Serbs left there.

Mr Kostunica’s calls for “cantonisation” of the province have also been resisted (and cited by Albanians as a “provocation”). It is true that altering the frontiers of Kosovo would set a bad example for neighbouring Macedonia and Bosnia; but on what principle can Nato and the EU argue that Kosovo’s borders are sacrosanct, having in effect redrawn Serbia’s in 1999?

Partition looks like one of only two solutions that will permit any Serbs to remain in Kosovo at all. The other is reintroducing Serbian security forces into Kosovo, a course that even Zoran Djindjic, prime minister, a westernising moderate, was suggesting before he was assassinated last year. If Europeans and Americans reject this solution out of hand, it is because, using the lens of the 1990s, they view Kosovo Serbs as the arm of an expansionist dictatorship rather than the hunted minority they increasingly are.

The EU has spoken about animating a dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina. But why should Kosovo’s well armed and well organised malefactors want dialogue? Their ethnic violence is producing exactly the “facts on the ground” that they want. Whether such citizens constitute a majority does not matter in the slightest. The “multiethnic Kosovo” that was trumpeted five years ago is a steadily vanishing dream, because mobs understand that the west’s long term path of least resistance is to acquiesce in the de facto independence and ethnic purging (and possible annexation to Albania) of Kosovo.

To prevent this, hardheaded alternatives will have to be put on the table ranging from the heavy reinforcement of UN and Nato troops to the partition of Kosovo to the threat of reintroducing Serbian forces. Otherwise, there can be only one serious subject for “dialogue”: the date for the handover of Kosovo, lock, stock and barrel, to the province’s criminal gangs.

The writer is a senior editor at The Weekly Standard



(a) Scott Ritter

Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

mar. 27

This paper by former US Marine Corps intelligence officer Scott Ritter reveals a great deal about the real motivations behind the 78-day Nato bombing campaignn


(b) George Szamuely eta Balkan Conflit Research Team


Bombs for Peace: NATO’s Humanitarian War on Yugoslavia, 2014

In the late 1990s NATO dropped bombs and supported armed insurgencies in Yugoslavia while insisting that its motives were purely humanitarian and that its only goal was peace. However, George Szamuely argues that NATO interventions actually prolonged conflicts, heightened enmity, increased casualties, and fueled demands for more interventions.


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

mar. 5

George Szamuely’s May 2004 article brilliantly exposes the falsity of the official narrative of the 1990’s Balkan conflicts and the creation and operation of The Hague Tribunal


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

We proudly present, in 5 daily parts spread over the week, an outstanding in-depth interview on the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s with Balkan expert George Szamuely of the Global Policy Institute. We start today with Part One, “Why Yugoslavia had to go”.


George Szamuely Part 1

The Balkan Conflicts Research Team is a collective of researchers and commentators who have collaborated, over more than 25 years in most cases, to try to fi…

2022 mar. 2

Bideoa: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yMYUzyMMzuM&feature=emb_logo


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

Part 2 of our interview with Balkan expert Dr George Szamuely, “The ICTY – A Law Unto Itself’, examines the fundamental flaws of The Hague Tribunal, an illegal court run in complete breach of the instructions set down for it by the UN Security Council


2022 mar. 29


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

mar. 30

Part 3 of our interview with George Szamuely focuses on the ICTY’s failure to adhere to the cardinal principles of best legal practice, its total lack of accountability and its prolific creation of new humanitarian law


George Samuely Part 3a

The Balkan Conflicts Research Team is a collective of researchers and commentators who have

Bideoa: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6l68XgUqKCI&feature=emb_logo


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

10 h

Part 4 of our interview with George Szamuely, “Demonising the Serbs”, on the false version of history created by the western allies that Serbia was entirely responsible for the break-up of Yugoslavia through its pursuit of a ‘Greater Serbia’ policy


George Szamuely part 4

The Balkan Conflicts Research Team is a collective of researchers and commentators who have collabo

Bideoa: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TThoBKoctp4&feature=emb_logo


12 min

The concluding part 5 of George Szamuely’s interview, ‘Kosovo to Ukraine- History Repeats’, looks at the parallels between events in the Balkans in the 1990s and those taking place today in Ukraine


Szamuely interview Part 5

The Balkan Conflicts Research Team is a collective of researchers and commentators who have…

BIdeoa: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CoLK7d_kBDk&feature=emb_logo


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

api. 3

The full, 52-minute version of the interview with Balkan expert Dr George Szamuely can be seen at


Szamuely interview master 1

The Balkan Conflicts Research Team is a collective of researchers and commentators who have collaborated, over more than 25 years in most cases, to try to fi…


George Szamuely@GeorgeSzamuely

mai. 13

Nothing you say here is true. The NATO attack was not mandated by the UN Security Council. And it did lead to a change of borders. Kosovo was detached from Yugoslavia, and then recognized as an independent state, at least by the NATO countries (though not all of them1).

Txioa aipatu

Martin Camporredondo@euradvisor

mai. 13

@GeorgeSzamuely erabiltzaileari erantzuten

Why? Yugoslavia: NATO did not use military force to change borders and activities were mandated by the UNSC, of which Russia is a member. Libya: Activities launched under the authority of 2 UNSC Resolutions. Kosovo: NATO’s ongoing peacekeeping mission is mandated under UNSCR 1244


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

mai. 30

This article from The Times on 5 April 1999 is a good example of the very limited understanding western media had of the events playing out in the Kosovo war thanks to uncritical acceptance of official announcements https://bit.ly/3PSw9rB


Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

mai. 14

Nebojša Malić has been a very distinguished commentator on Balkan affairs over many years. This excellent interview he gave to the Schiller Institute runs for just over an hour, but is well worth it.


The Illegal Balkan Wars and the Ukraine Parallel — Interview with…

The full interview transcript is available at https://schillerinstitute.com/blog/2022/04/27/the-illegal-b

Ikus elkarrizketa hemen: Ukraina/Errusia/AEB + EB + NATO/Txina (28)


Gehigarri batzuk

Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

2020 abu. 14

The forty-third in a regular series of videos exploring the deficiencies of the Hague war crimes Tribunal for Yugoslavia

See our full video http://bit.ly/33PWgGG


2021 mar. 24

Tomorrow we will mark the 22nd anniversary of the start of NATO’s brutal and illegal bombing of Kosovo. We will go on to chart the full 78 day campaign of ‘humanitarian bombing’ which devastated sovereign Yugoslavia. See introductory article at




Balkan Conflicts Research Team@ResearchTeam

2021 urr. 18

See our latest “The New Criminal Court for Kosovo”


Nebojša Malić@NebojsaMalic

2021 abe. 22

You literally launched a war of aggression against Yugoslavia and illegally occupied and separated Kosovo from Serbia…

Txioa apaitu

U.S. Mission to the UN@USUN

United States government organization

2021 abe. 22

The @UN Charter prohibits the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. Any further military aggression against Ukraine would have massive consequences and a severe cost in response.

Erakutsi haria


Gehigarri bereziak

20 h

Actually, @MerrellMartin this is how a country joins NATO:

  1. bomb civilians in the the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999;
  2. create new military bases, oops, I mean states like Kosovo (of organ trafficking fame);
  3. voilà, ex-Yugoslav Montenegro is now part of NATO!


Joe Sakic Fan@Devilito02

20 h

Here are some more.

The American Empire and its media: ? https://swprs.org/the-american-empire-and-its-media/

Media war of Yugoslavia secession: https://arirusila.wordpress.com/tag/serbs/

The Media and their attrocities: https://mltoday.com/the-media-and-their-atrocity/ The Balkan wars and its cover-up: https://logosmedia.com/1999/11/the-ba



M. K. Bhadrakumar @BhadraPunchline

21 h

Putin:When Kosovo declared independence, ICJ, pressured by Western countries, ruled that under UN Charter, when a country declared independence, there was no need to seek permission from central government, a precedent was set then. Donbass republics did not have to ask Kiev.”


Hala ere, kasu egin diezaiogun Alfred de Zayas-i:

(a) Alfred de Zayas eta Kosovo

Ikus Kataluniako afera, gaur: som República

(i) Self-determination is legal under international law – it’s hypocritical to argue otherwise for Catalonia

Self-determination is legal under international law – it’s hypocritical to argue otherwise for Catalonia (theconversation.com)

(ii) Argitasun bat iluntasunean: Alfred de Zayas

(iii) Nor da nor?

Mayor Oreja Jauna:

Aspaldian esan zuena: Kosovo afera zen Espainiarentzat, zeren Kosovon autodeterminazio eskubidea praktikan jarri baitzen

Oraintsu esan zuena: katalanek erreferendum ilegal bat legala bihurtuko dute D-21ko hauteskundearekin


Alfred de Zayas @Alfreddezayas (https://twitter.com/Alfreddezayas/status/915105459329208320)



…the 2010 Kosovo Advisory Opinion of the ICJ, which prioritizes the right of self-determination of peoples over the principle of territorial integrity of States.

Ikus Europar Batasuna eta Katalunia, autodeterminazio eskubidea tartean


Alfred de Zayas eta 2010ko ebazpena Kosovoz

Ikus Europar Batasuna eta Katalunia, autodeterminazio eskubidea tartean

Ingelesez: the 2010 Kosovo Advisory Opinion of the ICJ, which prioritizes the right of self-determination of peoples over the principle of territorial integrity of States.

Frantsesez: la Cour internationale de justice sur le Kosovo en 2010, donne la priorité au droit à l’autodétermination des peuples par rapport au principe de l’intégrité territoriale des Etats

Ikus Madril-era joateko hauteskundeak


In 2008, the US supported the secession of Kosovo over Russia’s objections, but they call Crimea’s secession a gross violation of international law by Russia. “As a result,” Lukin says, “Russia sees the West’s position on Crimea . . . as nothing more than a case of extreme hypocrisy.”


Sakwa points out in Frontline Ukraine that Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia without even having a referendum. Yet “many Western countries, with the US in the lead, had recognized Kosovo’s independence despite repeated UN resolutions upholding the territorial integrity of Yugoslavia.” Sakwa also points out that the US endorsed “the infamous advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice . . . that Kosovo’s declaration of independence ‘did not violate general international law’.” Why is what’s fair for Kosovo not fair for Ukraine?

Ikus Ukraina/Errusia/AEB/NATO (Jolas bukatua. Falta dena garbiketa lana da) (2)


Ikus, halaber, Alfred de Zayas-en twitter asko Kosovoz eta haren autodeterminazio-eskubideazm, hemen: https://twitter.com/Alfreddezayas


Kosovoz hitz batzuk

Kosovo/Espainia eta alderantiz

Kosovo eta autodeterminazioa: eztabaida ala nahasketa?

Independentziaren Aldarrikapen Unilaterala (IAU), Kosovo mon amour

Kosovoz, berriz

Kosovo, bi urte igaro ondoren

Autodeterminazioa: Kosovo eta Hagako Nazioarteko Auzitegia

Autodeterminazioa eta Independentziaren Aldarrikapen Unilaterala (IAU)

Euskal mundutxoa: twitter batzuk

IAU, Independentziaren Aldarrikapen Unilaterala

Independentziaren Aldarrikapen Unilaterala

Gehigarri orokorrak

1) Eurogunea, erabateko Distopiaz


2) Nazio ‘txikiak’, estatua eskatuz


Espainia, kasu. Afera hori oso garrantzitsua da guretzak, euskaldunontzat, aurreragoan ikusiko dugunez.

Utzi erantzuna

Zure e-posta helbidea ez da argitaratuko. Beharrezko eremuak * markatuta daude