Grezia: hauteskunde osteko lehen albisteak

Albiste berriak segituan.

(a) Is SYRIZA’s Win a Hollow Victory? (

(…) NEVRADAKIS: Well, I think that the major story that is going to come out of these elections is the fact that there is a tremendous abstention rate in the Greek elections. More than has been seen in any previous election.

(…) But it seems that the [amount] of voters in Greece has become essentially disenchanted with the political system and with the choices that they had to vote for these elections has grown even more.

(…) essentially, the political landscape as far as the two big parties in Greece right now are concerned hasn’t changed at all.”

(b) Syriza Re-election Victory Sidelines Popular Unity Party (


To discuss all of this I’m joined by Aris George-Baldur Spourdalakis. He’s a member of the Syriza Youth party since 2007. (…) I’m also joined by Leo Panitch. He’s a Canada Research Chair in comparative political economy and a Distinguished Research Professor in political science at York University in Toronto. (…)

SPOURDALAKIS: Well, I think that the results are a triumph for Syriza. Mainly Alexis Tsipras. It’s a vote of confidence towards the previous government of seven months. And I think that it shows that the signing of the agreement, despite the negative effect that it may have and continue to have, hasn’t affected Syriza’s electoral poll in the last [months].


PANITCH: (…) I must say, a pretty large abstention is indicative of the number of people who voted in the referendum where the turnout was very high, over 70 percent, who have been disillusioned. And that’s very significant. That said, those who did vote, it is remarkable how many of them have voted for Syriza and how few of them have voted for Popular Unity, LE. Broke away from Syriza in calling what they had done capitulation rather than blackmail, which is what it really was, of course.


PANITCH: (…) Much more than that, I think it means that the position, which I think is an important one, that it’s necessary to break with the eurozone and if possible break the eurozone, will no longer be articulated in the Greek parliament. And [if it isn’t articulated] in the Greek parliament it won’t be in the Greek media. Had they stayed in the party I think it would have been much more visible and that important debate could have continued, probing how far one could stay within the, break with the current arrangement.


SPOURDALAKIS: Well, I think that the reason that Golden Dawn has gained a few more seats is that the political system has been [inaud.] by the recent events. Syriza was forced into signing an agreement which was contrary to their program. Therefore this does help voices which are inherently against the democratic process and so on. However, I think that the result does give Syriza at least a chance to prove that signing of the agreement doesn’t mean the end of the program and the end of what they can do. And the fact that they will be able to form a government with their former partners, the Independent Greek party, will at least give them this chance to try to prove themselves and prove the agreement is not the beginning and end of Greek politics right now.


SPOURDALAKIS: Well, first of all I would say that it’s–I’m a member of what’s left of the Syriza Youth. The majority of the Syriza Youth left the party after the decision of the government to call the election before the party congress, which was programmed to be held in September. So I think that, I think that despite the fact that Syriza won the election it’s clear that a lot of their members have been disillusioned.

And I think there are two main points to this. The first point, which refers to the fact that the Popular Unity party of the Left Platform of Syriza wasn’t able to attract these voters. And this shows I think that the main problem and the main reason that this has happened was not the agreement, per se, but it had to do with the democratic process both within the party and outside of the party. The first point.

And I think the second point has to do with how much the elections affect people’s everyday lives. And I think that right now what is viewed, the agreement is what will affect what is viewed as, what is going to affect people’s everyday lives in the future. And if that is not–if that changed as a view I think that we’re going to see more and more people being disillusioned and abstaining from the popular vote, or even turning to more [radical] solutions, either to the left or to the right.


SPOURDALAKIS: (…) I think that this also shows sort of the problem that the, the left [in general] has to unite for a common goal. And also I think what it shows is that the [spark] that both Popular Unity and Antarsya were vocalizing in favor of protecting the Oxhi vote, the No vote, of the referendum of the 5th of July, which won 62 percent of the popular vote. They were not able at all to capitalize on this.

I think there are many factors, of course, that play an important role in this. But I think the main problem, I think, was that they were not able to convince the people that they had a plan, which is the first–which is the most important. And also I think that the anti-Syriza [rhetoric] ran too harsh and was unfairly harsh. And I think this put a lot of people off in voting for more radical [anti-EU] solutions.”

Beraz, Grezia, berriz, is in the middle of nowhere. Eta nowhere horrek austeritatea suposatuko du etorkizun hurbil eta ertainean.

Ezkerra erabat galduta dago eta programa zehatzik gabe, lehen Italian eta gero Eskozian gertatu zen bezala. Orain Grezian egoera berdintsua da eta, okerrena, parlamentuan, dirudienez, ahotsik gabe.

Atzo esaten genuen moduan, “Hauteskundearen emaitzak… Edozein izango direlarik, gaurtik aurrera bi aukera besterik ez dira egongo: alde batetik, Syriza eta beste alderdi guztien ohiko austeritate programa ‘berria’ eta, bestetik, Popular Unity-k planteatuko duena.”

Badirudi parlamentuan soilik hitz bakar bat entzungo dela: austeritatea, alegia, Syrizaren kapitulazioren ondoan azalduko dena.

Zoritxarrez, Greziako Herri Batasuna horrek, Popular Unity delakoak, soilik parlamentutik at lan egiteko esparrua izango bide du. Esparrua murriztu da, argi, baina eginkizuna eta egin beharrekoa handitu, erabat.

Ondorioz, Europako ezker berri batek aparteko eginbeharra izango du hala Italian, nola Eskozian, zein Grezian edo Katalunian (CUP delakoaren bidez1?).

Zertan ote dabil Euskal Herriko ‘ezkerra’? Laugarren karlistada prestatzen, Espainiako ‘demokrazia’ bultzatuz? Euskal Penelope zaintzen, haren lo sakonean? Linboan ote?

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