Grezia: hauteskunde aurreko berri batzuk

Gaur hauteskunde eguna da Grezian.

Hona hemen jasotako azken berri batzuk:

(1) Introducing Popular Unity

As the recent disaster had abundantly demonstrated, these goals cannot be realized without exiting the eurozone and breaking with the whole set of policies institutionalized by the European Union.”

(2) Greece – now the conservatives are denying there was austerity

The break point came when the Greek government started to impose fiscal austerity in an environment when private spending was extremely weak and deteriorating further.
A sequence of events including the Troika bailouts built on that austerity and caused real GDP to fall by around 26 per cent.

That is beyond doubt.

We are now in a phase of “Austerity denial”, where conservatives attempt to massage history to avoid the unpalatable conclusion that the massive austerity that has been imposed on certain countries by the IMF and its partners in crime (in Greece’s case the European Commission and the ECB) has caused huge declines in GDP (levels and growth rates) and deliberately led to millions of people becoming jobless with associated rises in poverty rates.”

(3) What Does Popular Unity Stand For?

Exit from the monetary prison of the eurozone

Therefore, the question of an exit from the eurozone and of a break with the neoliberal policies and choices of the EU, which has been following an ever more reactionary and anti-democratic trajectory, will be placed on the agenda not as the product of some ideological obsession but in terms of basic political realism.


Whatever the inevitable difficulties of the first months, nothing justifies the stance of those Cassandras who equate such a move with economic disaster and national ruin. In the course of the twentieth century, sixty-nine monetary unions collapsed on this planet without this signifying the end of the world. The introduction of a national currency as a prerequisite for implementation of a progressive program for reconstruction and a way forward is not only a viable option; it is an option of hope, with the potential to launch the country on a new developmental trajectory.


Attainment of monetary sovereignty, with de-linkage of the Bank of Greece from the ECB, and its operation with governmental, public, and social accountability and with issuance of a national currency, will provide us with the necessary liquidity in the economy, without the onerous burden of the loan agreements.

It will be of great assistance in strengthening exports, limiting and gradually substituting local products for imports, invigorating the country’s productive base and tourist inflow. It will foster job creation through a program of necessary public productive investments, developmental initiatives from the big publicly owned enterprises, support for the social sector of the economy, and restoration of credit for small and medium businesses. Abolition of the unjust taxation and other burdens imposed on lower-income households simply to service the unbearable debt will boost demand and stimulate development.

In sum, we are going to present a special plan for Greece and open it for discussion: a plan for implementing a radical, progressive program with a national currency.

(4) Will SYRIZA Survive Sunday’s Election?

KONSTANTINIDIS: First of all, let’s see what the referendum was. I mean, the referendum clearly had a very significant class content. We saw that significant parts of the population especially in working class areas voted no in the Greek referendum. Now, where are these people now. It’s difficult to actually point our finger on what these people are going to vote for right now. Greek polls and Greek opinion polling is extremely unreliable, as we’ve seen over the last few months.
To some extent those who voted no because they wanted a break with the eurozone are not going to vote for Syriza anymore. Some others who voted no thinking that Syriza could manage to negotiate a better deal may still vote for Syriza, but we clearly have a significant part of disillusioned voters among the 61.4 percent of the population. And also a significant part of the 61.4 percent is just not going to vote. I think that’s the other thing that we should expect to see in Sunday’s election. We should expect to see a lot of people abstaining.
… Now, the relationship between Syriza and Popular Unity. I think it has become clear they may be able to find some common ground on different policies, but they wouldn’t be able to form a coalition government given the commitment of Syriza to actually carry out the structural adjustment program and given the [start] position of the Popular Unity party to the structural adjustment program, it would be extremely unlikely that the two parties would come together and form a government.
We’ll see. I think that we will see–actually, it’s interesting to see how the Popular Unity party is going to fare because it also gives us a sense of what the part of the population is that actually would be willing to leave the euro, which we’ve never seen a party actually come out and very explicitly say, we want to leave the euro. So that will be something to watch out for.”

(5) A New Strategy

we must honestly admit that we made a huge mistake there. The threat to destroy the currency was not enough, let aside that we did not even have a plan for that.”

(6) Why We Broke With Syriza

we are unable to stay politically active under the auspices of Syriza and we are obliged to look for a necessary plan for our struggles, outside Syriza and its austerity strategy.

(7) What Popular Unity Can Do

Popular Unity enters the political debate. (…)

It has a radical program whose basic positions include the stoppage of debt payments, exit from the eurozone, the nationalization of banks and strategic enterprises, and the reversal of the neoliberal reforms associated with the memoranda. It is based on the collaboration of the left tendencies of Syriza that exited the party in protest of its pro-austerity mutation and important segments of the anticapitalist left. It has roots in social movements.


The post-election period will be marked by the aggressive implementation of the third memorandum and an avalanche of cuts and neoliberal reforms. There is the possibility of a new wave of struggles and protests, including demonstrations from new forces that were not active in the previous period, such as farmers.

Moreover, the deterioration of social conditions, because of the new cuts in pensions and social spending, will increase the need for solidarity networks. Popular Unity has the opportunity to prove that it is not only an electoral outlet of protest, but also a leading force in the collective resistance.

Syriza’s capitulation is not the end of the political crisis in Greece. Greek society remains deeply divided and polarized. The trauma of the defeat is here, but it is possible to transform despair into hope and determination. This is the challenge Popular Unity faces.


It is necessary to elaborate a political program that goes beyond simply calling for an exit from the eurozone and an end to austerity and offers a new vision based on public ownership, democratic planning, and worker self-management.”

Laster, ordu batzuk barru, hauteskundeen emaitzak jakingo dira. Edozein izango direlarik, gaurtik aurrera bi aukera besterik ez dira egongo: alde batetik, Syriza eta beste alderdi guztien ohiko austeritate programa ‘berria’ eta, bestetik, Popular Unity-k planteatuko duena.

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