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BRICS Has a Secret Weapon: MMT Founder Warren Mosler Spills the Beans!
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BRICS Has a Secret Weapon: MMT Founder Warren Mosler Spills the Beans!
Unlock BRICS’ secret weapon! MMT founder Warren Mosler reveals how Modern Monetary Theory can r
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BRICS Has a Secret Weapon: MMT Founder Warren Mosler Spills the Beans!
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=InebxpzfLpA)
Unlock BRICS’ secret weapon! MMT founder Warren Mosler reveals how Modern Monetary Theory can reshape finance, the global economy, and empower emerging markets. New thinking! Explore BRICS news, de dollarization, and MMT economics explained for development countries.
In this educational deep-dive, Warren Mosler, the pioneering voice behind MMT, explains how a sovereign government is the monopoly issuer of its currency and doesn’t need to tax or borrow before spending. Discover the true nature of money as a tax credit, how public debt really functions as the net money supply, and why conventional views on finance often miss the mark. Mosler critiques flawed fiscal policies and the common misunderstandings that even plague high-level policymakers regarding the economy. He unpacks the dynamics between government deficits and private sector savings, revealing how a mismanaged market economy can lead to instability.
Learn why unemployment is a political choice and how MMT offers a path to full employment and real wealth creation for BRICS nations and the Global South. This interview delves into inflation from an MMT perspective, the geopolitics of the BRICS Payment System, the implications for International Relations, and the ongoing debate around a potential BRICS currency as part of a new world order.
However, this Think BRICS interview does not provide a detailed implementation blueprint for the New Development Bank (BRICS Bank) regarding a specific BRICS currency or an exhaustive analysis of individual BRICS+ nations’ foreign policy shifts beyond the de-dollarization trend and the BRICS Payment System. While financial markets and the stock market are part of the broader market economy context, Mosler doesn’t offer specific investment strategies. Furthermore, the discussion provides a framework for development countries and emerging markets but avoids deep-dive case studies for every Global South nation. The historical aspects of money are touched upon to highlight MMT’s new thinking, not as a comprehensive history of finance. Details on Internet infrastructure for these payment systems are also outside the scope.
00:00 – Warren Mosler explains the fundamentals of Modern Monetary Theory.
03:26 – Government spending and Treasury securities determine the public debt’s nature.
09:20 – Understanding money’s definition is crucial for effective fiscal and monetary policy.
12:36 – Savings in pension funds require public or private deficit spending for funding.
18:57 – MMT illustrates government provisioning through tax obligations and job creation.
21:38 – Modern Monetary Theory emphasizes tax liabilities as essential for government revenue. 26:46 – Government taxation causes unemployment and economic desperation under flawed monetary policies.
29:28 – Full employment policies can significantly boost emerging economies’ wealth.
35:20 – BRICS seeks an independent payment system through a potential common currency.
38:18 – Alternative payment systems emerge to bypass US financial restrictions.
Transkripzioa:
Warren Mosler explains the fundamentals of Modern Monetary Theory.
0:00
hello everyone welcome to the Think BRICS YouTube channel today we are
0:05
honored today to have Warren Mosler here he is a distinguished economist the founder of
0:12
modern monetary theory and a pioneering voice in contemporary fiscal thought
0:17
this marks the first of what we hope will be a series of interviews they delve deeper into his
0:23
ideas and the implications of modern monetary theory especially in relation to the evolving
0:29
role of BRICS countries in the global economy we are also very proud to support and corroborate
0:34
the growing initiative advocating for Mr Mosler’s nomination for the Nobel Prize in Economics thank
0:41
you for joining us today Mr Mosler oh thank you very much for that introduction good to be here
0:47
yeah we’re very happy for you to be here so I guess when uh as the founder of modern monetary
0:54
theory for people who have not uh don’t know the full ins and outs can we start with a very 30,000
1:01
foot view on what modern monetary theory is yeah so in uh the early 1990s uh we had a major budget
1:13
debate going on in the United States it was a presidential election ross Perau’s platform was
1:18
balancing the budget fiscal responsibility all the types of things you you still hear
1:24
quite a bit of today and I had the understanding from my experience on Wall Street as a primary
1:32
dealer at Banker’s Trust and being involved in monetary operations for a long time i I had
1:38
the understanding that the funds to pay taxes the funds to buy government securities come only from
1:45
the government and everyone inside the Federal Reserve monetary operations that I knew and spoke
1:51
with knew this implicitly they say it differently they say we can’t conduct a reserve drain without
1:58
a prior reserve ad which means payments can’t be made from the banking system to the government
2:06
unless the government first gives the banking system the money the money that goes to the
2:11
government comes from the government uh or else it’s counterfeit you know if you have a $20 bill
2:16
it’s signed by the Treasury Secretary you can’t make your own $20 bills now everyone in Congress
2:22
at the time and they probably still do uh believe that the they had to get money either by taxing uh
2:30
or borrowing and what they didn’t get from taxing if they wanted to spend more than that they had
2:35
to somehow borrow it from the likes of China uh and you know they talk about and leave that debt
2:42
to the grandchildren and that’s those are the uh that’s the central discussion of the whole thing
2:48
is it worth borrowing from China to spend more than we’re taxing the whole implication is they
2:54
are looking for money to be able to spend uh the the correct understanding which is understood by
3:00
every central banker in uh monetary operations and has been since the beginning because it’s
3:05
their job is that the government saves first you know and then some of that money’s used to pay
3:12
taxes and the rest is not and it’s just saved as uh in in the first case just balances and their
3:21
uh uh cash accounts at the Federal Reserve and then after the money’s already been spend
some has been used to pay taxes then Treasury securities are offered so the rest of that
3:33
money that’s been spent but not yet used to pay taxes has a different place to go and presumably
3:41
uh it’s it’s done at an auction to the highest bidder so it pays a little more interest than just
3:46
keeping money in the cash account and it’s what’s called a reserve drain it just shifts dollars that
3:52
have already been spent from the reserve accounts the cash accounts at the central bank to treasury
3:58
securities which are savings accounts at the central bank so the the public debt is nothing
4:03
more than all the dollars that have been spent by the government that haven’t yet been used to
4:09
pay taxes it’s a residual it’s the net money supply in the economy it’s the equity behind
4:15
our entire credit structure it’s not a problem and I recall President Reagan saying “If it ever
4:21
gets to 90 billion we’re all doomed.” And it just keeps going on and on like that with higher and
4:26
higher numbers and of course nothing ever happens because it’s it’s not of any financial consequence
4:32
it has other consequences the spending has consequences but the deficit itself is of
4:37
no financial consequence and that’s what started the whole thing and then from there uh that first
4:45
thought that first understanding it expanded and this expansion didn’t take very long i was
4:52
uh working you know at my desk at uh my firm and I had my research people with me and very quickly
5:00
what we recognized was the currency itself is a simple case of a public monopoly the government is
5:07
a single supplier of the thing that’s used to pay taxes of the thing that’s used to buy bonds and
5:13
therefore as any monopolist it’s price setter that means the source of the price level is necessarily
5:19
prices paid by government so I’m getting a little technical for you here so I’ll let me uh stop for
5:24
your next question yeah no you actually make there are two really good points that I want to
5:31
just kind of hone in on super quickly i think the first is like you said modern monetary theory is
5:36
just is the recognition that the go the government the state itself is the you know the uh the setter
5:43
you know they are the they are the only ones the monopoly that can issue money and I like you said
5:51
central central bankers across the world already know this yet for some reason it’s not getting
5:58
translated really in our uh in our fiscal and our monetary policies and yeah so it yeah it answers
6:07
another question once you start on this it answers all kinds of questions the fundamental question is
6:13
what is money in all the textbooks and they’ll go on and on about it’s a unit of account medium
6:17
of exchange store value but once you understand this you recognize that it’s a tax credit when
6:24
the government imposes a tax liability okay it specifies what you need to pay that tax that’s
6:30
the tax credit and in the case of the United States is the US dollar so I can’t answer the
6:35
question of what is money that’s just an academic definition but I can answer the question of what
6:39
the US dollar is that’s the thing needed to pay US taxes it’s a US dollar the US dollar is a tax
6:45
credit for the US government tax liabilities the yen is a tax credit for Japanese tax liabilities
6:51
the euro is a tax credit for the tax liabilities of all the Euro nations and so uh and that’s what
6:57
I was telling you about once you have the first understanding that the funds to pay taxes come
7:02
only from the government all these other questions are just immediately answered and become crystal
7:08
clear to anybody looking at it and it becomes an excellent framework to analyze everything that
7:13
goes on in any monetary system yeah abs absolutely and I think we can kind of see how that’s
7:20
translating right now uh in two different ways i think in one way when I talk to other people about
7:27
um taxes and money and so on um they always assume that the government is going to issue the tax to
7:32
first before you would basically get the money spend it or anything like that when in fact it’s
7:38
actually the government it you know it’s the flip uh the government’s issuing the money so you can
7:43
so it gives it so you could pay your taxes and for the state to sustain itself uh yeah let me
7:49
just add quickly it’s like does anybody think the football stadium has to collect the tickets
7:54
first before they can sell them of course not they come from the stadium they have to sell the ticket
7:59
first before they can collect it the government has to spend credit your account before it can tax
8:05
debit your account you know it’s that simple and up until about 300 years ago this was self-evident
8:10
to every human being on Earth it only became a mystery you know as the financial systems got
8:17
more complicated and the basic understanding got lost yeah i mean you have uh uh President Donald
8:24
Trump now is on a uh you know him and Elon Musk are on a tirade to you know destroy you know not
8:30
destroy but to uh reduce the government deficit by really any means necessary you know cutting
8:37
Medicaid and cutting act you know cutting access to social security and things of that nature
8:42
um so even though central banks across the world know this apparently the president of the of
8:47
the most powerful country right now doesn’t know this yeah I’ve talked to them i talked to senior
8:53
officials in monetary operations at at the Fed i used to visit them couple of times a year and I’d
9:00
say well who who else understands this does anybody on the Federal Open Market Committee
9:04
understand there’s 30 appointees there they said no none of them do and that’s part of our problem
9:08
when we try to explain monetary policy they they just don’t understand it at the operational level
9:15
yeah like um like we were talking before about like what the definition of money is i think
everyone kind of has this everyone is everyone is imagining money to be tied to gold everyone always
9:26
has money tied to silver anything like that um it like the fundamental assumptions of what money is
9:34
and how monetary policy works is like completely lost on uh really any uh fiscal or monetary policy
9:40
makers right now yes yeah absolutely i I didn’t know there was going to be a test well I you’re
9:50
the you’re the guru i have to show you yeah right right right so here is just a time series plot
9:56
about uh showing the percentage of government debt versus the percentage of private debt and
10:02
you can see here that by the 2000 you know the great financial crisis how low the government
10:08
percentage of debt was compared to the private debt you can even see similar you could even see
10:14
it in a similar way with the uh with the great uh recession as well if uh yeah well you know
10:22
there’s an expression that’s true and it’s loans create deposits okay so if anybody has a dollar
10:30
in the bank it’s because somebody else and and you know has more um they have unspent income
10:36
they have more uh they earn more they obtain more than they spent they have dollars in the bank it’s
10:43
only because somebody else did the opposite and that’s what that’s that’s how it works so that
10:48
means somebody else spent more than they took in and so if you start with a room full of people and
10:55
nobody has any dollars nobody’s ever going to have any dollars if they get $100 from outside the room
11:02
the total in that room is going to be $100 and can be shipped between individuals but it’s not going
11:06
to go up or down the only way the total dollars in that room can go up is if they come in through the
11:11
window from another room okay and those are and this is what sector analysis is all about so we
11:17
have the government as a sector and then we have all of us the non-government as another sector and
11:24
the only way the rest of us can have any kind of a net money supply any dollars you know in saved
11:32
for lack of a better word here is if somebody from a different sector such as the government
11:38
spent more than they collected spent more than their income so the only way someone can spend
11:43
less than their income and have that money left over is if somebody else spends more than their
11:47
income and it’s called the paradox of thrift it goes back three or 4 hundred years in the analysis
11:53
this is not new stuff and so that’s and that deficit spending is what creates the accounts the
12:02
the credit balances in everybody else’s accounts now it there’s another way to say it and that is
12:10
uh unless the uh total deficit spending public and private okay let’s put it this way the
12:21
total deficit spending public and private is what equals the total uh savings okay and so
12:29
um when if people want to save money’s going in a pension fund and it’s not getting spent
it can’t get there unless it’s funded somehow and it’s funded by deficit spending from either
12:42
the private sector or the public sector and so we can look at what uh we can look at that
12:48
combination of those two that will tell us the total increase in what you could call the money
12:53
supply what I’d call the net money supply in the economy well not the net just the the the
12:58
money supply in the economy the actual balances created by deficit spending and uh it’s a policy
13:04
decision as to whether they’re going to come from um private or public there are a lot of different
13:11
policies you can make to change that ratio that you just showed and so those those ratios are the
13:17
outcomes of our policy decisions which we call the institutional structure set up by Congress
13:24
it’s it’s just so interesting to me that you see you you see in the great recession or the great
13:31
financial crisis and in the great depression private debt to GDP is basically at an all-time
13:36
high public you know uh government deficit is basically as a ve at a very small point so why
13:45
what why um you know policy makers have access to this amount of data and more so why are they
13:50
why are they not considering private data here what what happens is we have what are called the
13:55
automatic fiscal stabilizers and what that means is during good times the uh tax uh liabilities
14:05
tax what they call tax receipts actually go up faster than even the government can spend money
14:10
so if you look at the growth periods you’ll see deficit spending going down because tax receipts
14:16
going up and government spending is uh for like unemployment compensation transfer payments they
14:22
call it are going down and so you’ll see the deficit going down automatically from these
14:27
automatic fiscal stabilizers as they call them and it gets to the point where the government has
14:33
uh deficit has gotten too small okay to support the credit structure that’s allowing that to
14:41
happen it’s private sector credit expansion that’s paying the taxes uh you know as the tax
14:48
structure the aggressive automatic tax structure is collecting more and more money on the way up
14:53
and the let’s call it the debt to equity ratio gets stretched the private sector debt gets up
14:59
the public sector debt is actually the equity of the private sector until it collapses and the
15:05
um private sector debt growing on its own is unsustainable unless there’s sufficient
15:10
public sector debt to um to fund it to fund the equity behind it and the whole debt structure is
15:19
required large ironically largely because of our tax advantaged savings uh uh policies so when you
15:31
put your money into your pension fund you either it’s taxdeductible you know it comes out of your
15:36
pre-tax income so if you’re putting $100 in your choice is to put $100 into savings or to keep it
15:42
as income and pay $30 in tax so it becomes a pretty easy choice to you know to put your
15:47
extra money into savings and not spend it and so we grow this pool of unspent income because it’s
15:54
all tax advantage by the trillions we have 30 or 40 trillion of this unspent income that’s piling
16:00
up because of tax advantages which creates a need for deficit spending public and private
16:06
to fund this thing otherwise you’re going to get massive unemployment which happens periodically
16:11
when the deficit spending falls short you know in which case it goes back up again fairly
16:17
rapidly in a collapse because tax collections fall off and transfer payments go up it’s the
16:24
ugly way to you know to get back to the levels of deficit spending you need to support these
16:31
tax advantages for savings you know so the same people they’re talking out of both sides of their
16:35
mouth who want lower deficits are also calling for more savings incentives not seeing as this
16:42
the opposite side of the same coin i don’t know is that too complicated no it’s it’s it feels it
16:49
it feel it feels like you’re telling someone what to do and then they do the exact opposite because
16:56
because this ent the entire structure is just so completely misunderstood and when you’re ringing
17:04
when you’re ringing uh citizens really by you know uh le you know shifting the debt more towards them
17:11
while you’re not spending money to keep a growing population you know you sustained and you know
17:18
it’s just going to all fall over like a house of cards like so yeah you could say you could say
17:24
fundamentally we have a tax requirement in place which carries with it savings desires because the
17:31
laws give you tax advantages is for savings and and we’re not spending enough to cover the need
17:39
to pay taxes and the desires to save and the evidence is the unemployment rate goes up and
17:45
uh excess capacity goes up because of that and so it’s a very simple identity really there’s no
17:53
theory behind this it’s just an identity yeah and I actually I wanted to get I want to get
18:00
uh kind of wanted you to elaborate elaborate on your thoughts about um the idea of unemployment
18:07
and price instability in particular like when you when we talk about like inflation and when we talk
18:12
about like higher unemployment people immediately think well let’s just uh you know inflation is
18:18
getting too high let’s raise the interest rate you know basically stop the economic machine from
18:23
going until there’s a not until activity declines so you know inflation goes down or vice versa but
18:32
you’ve uh said that because the state itself is at the heart of the monetary system ideas
18:38
like unemployment and price instability are political choices can you elaborate on that a
18:43
little bit more yeah you’ve got so much there to unpack though i hardly know where to start
18:48
so look we know let me go back to what MMT is by giving you you have to have you know we have a
model and I call it the MMT money story and it’s a very simple model you have a government that
19:03
wants to provision itself it wants people to be in the military it wants a legal system it wants
19:08
public health it wants whatever government public education whatever government wants to do and so
19:13
how do you get that done you know what do you do where do you start so it starts with a government
19:17
that wants to provision itself the way we do it is the first thing we do is impose a tax liability so
19:24
in that sense taxes come first but it’s not tax payments it’s tax requirements that come first
19:31
and to keep it simple so it can be understood i’ll say we put a tax on everybody’s house do a simple
19:38
real estate tax we could use an income tax but it’s complicated and variable and it extends the
19:43
discussion but so we’ll just use a property tax to start here for for a basic model our empty money
19:50
story we put a property tax on everybody’s house in something new called the US dollar that nobody
19:56
has it’s George Washington just getting started now this is not a historical example i’m just
20:01
using this figuratively and uh and we say this tax is payable you owe 10,000 you owe $1,000 per month
20:12
in property tax so we’ve just made a statement $1,000 now everybody knows what a dollar is it’s
20:17
the thing you need to pay your property tax or you’re going to get your house burned down or
20:21
your house is going to get sold you’re going to lose it okay so we start with a tax requirement
20:26
now we have a population that overall needs those dollars to not lose their house and so people need
20:35
dollars the only place you can get the dollars is the government and and and that’s the that’s the
20:42
situation we created with this tax liability we created a population of unemployed people
20:47
people seeking paid work who can’t yet find it because there’s nobody offering dollars yet to
20:52
pay them okay so step two the government then offers public service jobs to anybody who wants
20:59
to come and work paying in dollars and now you will get people showing up uh so that the overall
21:05
the economy doesn’t lose its houses and people will show up to work to earn the dollars that
21:10
they need to pay the tax and the and those will be the soldiers and the public health workers
21:15
and the teachers and the uh everything else the government wants the legal system the judges so
21:20
uh they show up for work then the government pays them and then the taxes get paid so that’s this
21:28
what we call the sequence number one is tax liabilities the first thing people say when
21:33
they hear about modern monetary theory is oh yeah that means you don’t need any taxes it’s like the
whole thing is based you know the tax liability is fundamental nothing happens without that and
21:45
they think everything can happen without it it’s nothing happens without the liability
21:49
now the government doesn’t start by getting the dollars any more than the football stadium starts
21:54
by you know getting tickets from people it has to sell the tickets first before they can collect
22:00
them okay and you’ve got a population that doesn’t need the tickets to not get their house not lose
22:06
their house but they want to see the game so it’s a positive instead of a negative uh incentive but
22:11
it’s the same thing so we’ve got um simple money story uh taxes tax liability creates unemployment
22:20
people looking for paid work who would were not unemployed before that tax liability hit
22:24
government provisions itself by hiring them and then uh they get paid and then they pay their
22:31
taxes and that’s the end of the chain after that the government has no more use for those dollars
22:37
it can throw them away and in fact it does if you pay your taxes with actual cash uh if you’re a
22:44
waiter and you earned all these old $20 bills and you use them to pay your taxes after you paid them
22:48
the government will send them out to be shredded and you can go online to fact check me you can buy
22:53
the shredded money bags of it uh online you know right right there that’s actually what they do
22:59
and it’s the same you buy a ticket to the Super Bowl it’s $5,000 you sell it to the next person
23:05
for $10,000 he goes to the game hands it in the guy takes his ticket and tears it up why would he
23:11
tear up a $10,000 ticket because it’s the same reason the government tears up the money it’s
23:17
used up after it’s paid when the money gets paid but when you do it on by computer the government
23:23
uh credits your account when you work you then taxes it debits your account okay and when it
23:29
debits your account it doesn’t have anything to spend it’s just a scorekeeping exercise that’s
23:33
the end of it okay and now they’ll account for that and they’ll put a credit in the treasury’s
23:38
account but it’s look there’s this illusion that there’s money flowing from account to account it’s
23:44
the same illusion as when you watch this TV screen you can watch a TV and you think there’s football
23:50
players running back and forth but if you get right up close to that screen all you have is dots
23:54
going on and off there’s nobody moving on your TV screen likewise with money today it’s not moving
24:00
there’s just numbers go getting changed up getting changed down in accounts uh you know dots going on
24:07
and off that that’s all it is and scorekeeping so back to your questions now um about inflation
24:15
now we have to look at where the value of that money is and the answer first is that the value
24:22
when you have a monopoly the value is what the monopouist tells you you have to do to get it
24:26
if the government says you have to work you know eight hours to earn $8 that money is going to be
24:33
worth $1 an hour of government time for government work because if you want to do something else you
24:38
have the alternative of working eight hours for the government and uh you know and at some level
24:45
uh if if if prices don’t aren’t at a level where people uh where it’s attractive to work for $8
24:52
people are going to be losing their houses okay so that that establishes a um standard in the economy
25:01
a minimum standard actually because the government in this in my base case is offering a job to
25:06
anyone who wants one and uh and so nobody else can offer less than that because you can always go to
25:12
work for the government and if you want to hire people you’re going to have to pay more than that
25:17
or else they can go to work from the government or it has to be more pleasant work but at the end of
25:21
the day it’s what you have to do to get that money if the government instead of paying uh you know
25:27
$1 an hour for people’s work decided to pay $2 an hour well now the money is only worth half as much
25:36
okay you’ve just had 100% inflation they’ve just cried down the value of their currency by 100% but
25:42
it’s a policy decision they don’t have to do that they know if they wait people are going to come
25:48
at whatever wage they say because if they don’t they’re going to get their houses burned down or
25:52
they’re going to get them sold you know at auction it’s coercive the whole tax system is coercive
25:57
once you need the government’s money and they’ve got it they’re price setter they tell you what you
26:02
have to do to get it whether they know it or not now our government doesn’t know it so when they
26:07
see people oh you know we should give everybody a raise because the CPI whatever that is went up and
26:12
so we’re paying more they’ve redefined the value of the currency downward so that was your first
26:17
question that you snuck in there about inflation but that led to three or four other things which
26:22
I’ve forgotten right now so if you want to remind me I’ll I’ll respond to those well yeah well let’s
26:28
look at unemployment is created by the government in the first instance by design to provision
26:33
itself if we have re residual unemployment what does that mean it means the government put a tax
26:39
in place which it alone you know created all these people looking for paid work and then didn’t give
it to them and instead caused desperation where people are losing their houses it’s like why would
26:52
you do that why would you put a tax on someone’s house because you’re trying to provision yourself
26:56
and then not give them a job it’s like that doesn’t make any sense it’s like uh you know I’ve
27:01
called it a crime against humanity nobody would do that if they understood it i don’t think okay
27:06
you’d either lower the tax if you didn’t want so many people showing up or you’d hire the rest
27:11
of the people that your tax caused to become unemployed in my basic model you put a tax in
27:16
place causes a certain number of people to show up for work you hire them pay them they pay the
27:22
tax why would you exclude anybody and and if there was a line of millions of people still looking for
27:27
work what else can they do except either pay your tax or save them those are the only two options
27:34
you’ve created both the need to pay taxes and the need to save nobody is saving your currency before
27:40
it exists before there’s a tax okay it’s that it’s just not happening any savings desires in
27:47
that currency come after the tax liabilities have been put in place okay so if it it’s unemployment
27:53
is an absurdity okay by and it’s only due to these people having the sequence backwards
28:00
they think they need to get money to be able to spend if they hire these people they’re going
28:04
to run out of money or won’t be able to borrow or some backwards notion of how the thing is is
28:10
uh how the transactions work yeah that’s if the people are not going to save a currency that has
28:19
not been created that’s a very it’s a very profound uh it’s a very profound thing right
28:24
there it should be it should be but it that’s that’s the sad part it should not be profound
28:31
it it’s interesting though because we talk about you know because I think you know un
28:35
you talk about unemployment and we talk about uh inflation and everything like that which are very
28:40
prominent things that you hear from the Federal Reserve that’s what they use in their benchmark
28:44
their interest rates and whatnot um but I want to transition over to uh you know uh nations
28:53
in BRICS and also nations in the global south too because you know when we’re talking about
28:58
um when we’re talking about a country trying to sustain itself how can you uh how can they apply
29:08
uh the the idea of modern monetary theory in their own monetary and fiscal policies
29:14
to ensure that there is no unemployment and prices are stable and people can find work that they find
29:21
um I don’t want to say decent but you know they feel they they are contributing to um
more prosperous nation for everyone involved here yeah so they could start out by offering a public
29:35
service job to anybody willing and able to work and if you look at most of these countries are
29:40
classified as emerging markets i think every one of them has that I’ve seen has very high levels
29:49
of unemployment particularly uh when they look at you know real unemployment or whatever they
29:53
want to call it you know 10% 20% 30% when you look at any uh what they call G20 country it’s always
30:02
you know 3 2% 3% 4% levels of unemployment never the higher levels so your real wealth is equal to
30:11
your real output that you get from people working okay that’s your pile of stuff plus any imports
30:20
you get makes you gives you a bigger pile of stuff to consume minus any exports you have to send out
30:26
which makes your pile of stuff lower now of course there are always strategic considerations and you
30:32
know people look at that and they say “Oh well you know therefore you should just import everything
30:37
and be vulnerable to the whole world.” I’m not saying that i’m just talking about your real
30:41
wealth right now not what you should be doing down to your last you know you know your last
30:46
dollar policy decision but your real wealth is your domestic plus imports minus exports that’s
30:54
an accounting identity okay and so if you look at these countries uh or the United States or
31:00
any most any advanced country uh your domestic output is the largest part of your real wealth
31:09
okay and unemployment takes away from that the more people you have working the more domestic
31:15
output you have so the lowhanging fruit for most of these countries to have a dramatic
31:21
increase in their real standard of living and I’m not saying that’s increase in real standard
31:26
of living is going to be all these imported you know trinkets and and luxuries and that type of
31:31
thing but their real standard of living can can be 20 30 40% higher by putting everybody to work
31:39
whether that’s in public infrastructure public education you know transportation and things that
31:45
don’t require don’t necessarily require a lot of capital goods now if you can get the capital goods
31:50
the same number of people can produce more output that’s productivity that’s also a big channel for
31:56
increasing output but productivity gains are 1 to 2% a year maybe five or six if you’re at a
32:03
very low level we’re looking at 20 30% gains just by going to full employment policy and you can
32:09
always do that with your local currency there’s no obstruction other than um if you have an IMF
32:16
loan their terms and conditions might prohibit it but that’s different okay but you know that
32:23
type of thing aside those kinds of self-imposed constraints there are no constraints on sustaining
32:28
full employment sustaining your real wealth and the more things you produce domestically the more
32:33
potential things you have for exports that would be attractive to the rest of the world and uh
32:41
therefore um you know you can um enhance your mix of of output right some of it gets sold abroad in
32:50
exchange for other things that you need more than what you sold and uh and so again it it comes down
32:57
to more domestic output always increases your real wealth okay and so so for for any I’m addressing a
33:07
couple of different points that you asked about so number one yes any country with its own currency
33:12
can sustain domestic full employment to to give you the short answer to what you uh asked yeah I
33:20
think for uh like we’re talking about nations like in BRICS for example or ones that are um you know
33:26
emer emerging countries like the uh like you said you’re going to have the lowhanging fruit you have
33:30
to talk about public infrastructure and developing that priv infrastructure to integrate all the
33:37
sectors in your economies that much more you know building transportation networks diversifying your
33:43
source of energy for your production because it is that domestic it is the it’s the domestic demand
33:48
that uh that will contribute to that output you know Indonesia uh grew a little like 5% and you
33:55
could see the work of the various uh you know the previous president’s like infrastructure
34:00
initiative you can really see that start to play out um on their economic output right now uh but
34:06
I do want to ask you just one more question about Yeah let me just add if I could quickly
34:10
the biggest obstacle that I see to this is the export-led growth mechanalist narrative where
34:16
the exporters are in control and they sell outside of your country so what they want is the lowest
34:22
possible costs they like people in desperate situations they like high unemployment because
34:27
it keeps their cost down and exporters you know they have no interest in domestic uh well-being
34:34
so to speak as long as people are kept alive get enough calories a day to live and can work for
34:40
them for the least compensation and and they’re not like wrong for doing that that’s just the
34:45
nature of their job but it should be the nature of government the nature of the nation to understand
34:50
that they should not have a seat at the table when it comes to domestic policy because they have a
34:55
whole different uh interest in mind go ahead yeah no there’s a very um you can really see that idea
35:01
of we want the lowest cost possible and you can really see that fleshed out with the you know uh
35:06
de-industrialization the United States and you know um the everything that other uh nations are
35:14
trying to do to basically subvert the development of other emerging nations to keep the the costs
down as best as they can for their own benefit um but my but one more question I want to ask you uh
35:26
actually relates to BRICS as an institution itself yes we see a lot of talks about ddollarization uh
35:32
and what the alternative it would will be and there’s still not a clear-cut answer but one
35:38
idea that’s been you know held out there is uh the the BRICS dollar where the BRICS as an institution
35:45
creates a currency that uses kind of like in the uh Keynes’s proposed bank model to settle
35:52
uh you know balance you know deficits and surpluses between countries my question
35:57
to you is is can BRICS as an institution not as a nation where it doesn’t have any citizens that can
36:04
uh sustain itself can it make a currency like this uh sort of it would have to either have a tax
36:14
liability or some basket of currencies but what look what they want the way when I read between
36:20
the lines is a payment system they didn’t like it when uh they got cut out of the US payment system
36:27
and uh so they could use a different currency they could use euro clearer they could use
36:33
whatever Russia uses domestically they could all have accounts in Russian banks and a Russian bank
36:39
or at the Russian central bank and and clear in rubles with each other and then once they
36:45
got those uh if they didn’t want that currency they would know the exchange rate in advance
36:51
and sell it for another currency uh the problems being that there were sanctions and everything
36:56
else by the United States against using Russian rubles to clear trades and that type of thing so
37:03
um but so so what they’ve been trying to do is clomat to some kind of a payment system that’s
37:09
independent of the United States and independent even of other countries because you know payment
37:15
system in the hands of another country you’re kind of like out of the frying pan into a fire
37:19
you know potentially again in the same thing and they they they I’m not I don’t think they’ve like
37:27
identified that they’re just trying to create a new payment system and so they to do that they
37:31
want a common currency that they could clear not recognizing that these currencies are tax credits
37:37
and uh could something be designed for that uh yes okay uh but the way they’re doing it is to come up
37:50
with a fixed exchange rate system uh whether it’s gold standard or currency basket or something like
37:56
this that looks to me like it’s going to have the traditional problems of all fixed exchange rate
38:02
systems and it’s it’s to the point where they’re probably not going to do it um and so what’s
38:10
happening is we’re seeing other payment systems in dollars emerging like tether right it’s it’s a
uh you can buy these things with um dollars you can buy them with other currencies you
38:25
know denominated other currencies and then you trade that token can be exchanged to somebody
38:31
else who can then um uh you know get back a fixed amount of the underlying currency
38:38
let’s say it’s the dollar it’s fixed one to one or if they want to switch to another currency it
38:42
would be at the exchange rate at the time so it’s not going to be stable in every exchange
38:47
rate it can only be stable in one but it’s it’s no worse than just trading in dollars but without
38:53
the US restrictions without the time delays without the taxation without without the uh
38:59
regulatory requirements of dollars so it’s a way to have a clearing system that’s outside of the US
39:07
um purview you know and so uh that something like that you know becomes popular and it’s it’s always
39:15
a response to uh problems with legal problems with the current system legal restrictions that are
39:21
put in place i remember um where did Euro dollars come from well when City Bank dollars or bank JPM
39:31
they pay you interest on those dollars or if you loan them money they pay you interest and
39:35
and the Federal Reserve was charging fees for deposit insurance a few basis points so they
39:41
set up a a company outside of the US where you could put money on deposit get a little more
39:47
interest because they didn’t have to pay fees but you didn’t get the insurance either it’s the same
39:52
thing where you have you know blood flows around the clock when the government puts pots in there
39:58
to try and tax it and regulate it you’ll see the systems get set up around it most of the clearing
40:03
in the US is cleared through private clearing like chips and not through the Federal Reserve
40:08
it’s only net through the F because they do it cheaper and the Fed wants them to do it
40:12
cheaper because they don’t want to clear all those transactions for 4,000 commercial banks
40:16
they don’t have they don’t want to gear up to do that they’d rather have private industry do it
40:21
so it’s the same thing here where you’ll I think BRICS is heading towards maybe still the dollar
40:28
as a numerator but some kind of a token like tether to be used for clearing so that they
40:34
can use dollars without the US being involved and without having to own dollars without having to
40:40
have dollar reserves without any of that you don’t need any of that if you uh simply use
40:46
these tokens right and I think just uh just a quick is um basically the the United States the
40:55
European Union using the basically weaponizing uh weaponizing the dollar weaponizing the Swift
41:00
payment system weaponizing Eurocar all you know it’s all all of it is doing is incentivizing the
41:07
uh not just BRICS nations but other nations that they want an alternative where they don’t need
41:12
to have as much investment in the dollar because they don’t trust the dollar nor the leaders that
41:17
are advising on these policies and saying you know sanctioned Russia so on and so forth um and
41:23
that’s what BRICS is gonna you know he’s aiming to provide something that is completely impartial and
41:28
something that works for everyone yeah and when they do that there are no negative consequences
41:33
for the United States yes yeah it just it just doesn’t Yeah it just doesn’t matter so uh they
41:40
set it up as a restriction to try and get some political leverage over whatever you know Russia’s
41:46
war or something and then if it doesn’t work it doesn’t work they go on to something else and
41:50
you know the US has nothing to lose by doing that you know uh and so they do it yeah and we should
41:58
definitely talk about uh what the if you know how and you know if the United States has anything to
42:04
lose as they as these payment systems develop but for but for today’s uh program uh Mr mosa
42:10
I want to really sincerely thank you for joining us and sharing your enlightening perspectives in
42:15
uh this discussion today and I’m hoping that this conversation is going to just be the
42:20
beginning of a deeper exploration more into your work and the incredible transformative
42:26
potential that modern monetary theory can have on emerging economies and countries across the world
42:33
uh we look forward to continuing uh this dialogue here and supporting the recognition of your
42:39
contributions you know especially the ongoing efforts towards your Nobel Prize nomination
42:45
again I really want to sincerely thank you for joining us today this was an amazing discussion
42:49
to have thank you very much very much enjoyed it you guys keep me sharp and uh the more the better
oooooo