Israel, AEB eta NATO zale estatu guztiak errudun, Palestinaren genozidioan (5)

Hasiera berria / A new beginning

Oso argi geratu denez, Palestina-ren aurkako eraso guztiek helburu bakarra daukate: genozidioa. Ezin da beste modu batez definitu.

Beraz, hemendik aurrera, genozidioaz arituko gara. Ea egoera eta epe berri batean sartuta gauden, to know whether we are in a new time or not.

***

US President Harry Truman (1945-1953) stands next to a map showing the State of Palestine.

Israel is not real.

****

I SWEAR TO BE LOYAL TO THE GOVERNMENT OF PALESTINE” SIGNED BY ISRAELIS WHEN EMIGRATING FROM EUROPE IN THE 1930s

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Lord Rothschild Claims His Family Created Israel

Bideoa: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lUpZT5hEh8Q

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maria@maria_mhr07

Alison Weir reveals the secret of Israel’s creation:

Bideoa: https://x.com/i/status/1807269838907224331

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UN General Assembly overwhelmingly calls for end of Israeli occupation

Read the resolutions text here: https://www.un.org/unispal/icj-and-question-of-palestine

ooooooo

Dr. Anastasia Maria Loupis@DrLoupis

The occupation of Palestinian land began 107 years ago today, in 1917.

The Balfour Declaration, issued by the British government on November 2, 1917, expressed support for the establishment of “a national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine.

This declaration was conveyed through a letter written by then-Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild, a prominent figure in the British Jewish community.

The declaration states:

His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”

This date represents the first official support for Zionist goals, ultimately leading, 30 years later, to the establishment of the State of Israel on occupied Palestinian land.

The Balfour Declaration played a significant role in shaping more than a century of ongoing war and chaos in the Middle East, culminating in the establishment of an Israeli state on Palestinian territory in 1948.

Today, the Balfour Declaration, in its outcomes, is seen as the foundation for the ongoing genocide, which in the past year alone has resulted in the death of more than 40,000 Palestinians, reflecting a failure to protect the historical and human rights of the Palestinian population in the region.

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¿Cómo se gestó la Declaración Balfour? || 107 años del Hogar Nacional Judío https://youtu.be/vuK97E07b2Q?si=bvKHGSd_PnUU2Qzw

¿Cómo se gestó la Declaración Balfour? || 107 años del Hogar Nacional Judío

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vuK97E07b2Q)

?La creación del Estado de Israel no responde a un desarrollo lógico de la historia, sino que la creación de este Estado es fruto de las confabulaciones políticas internacionales en las que participaron gustosamente los sionistas. Theodor Herzl fijó una hoja de ruta para crear el Estado judío y sus seguidores continuaron su legado. Antes de la creación de Israel en mayo de 1948, los británicos pusieron la primera piedra con la Declaración Balfour, la cual permitió crear el Hogar Nacional Judío, pero ¿cómo se gestó la Declaración Balfour? Quedaros hasta el final porque en este video os voy a hablar sobre la Declaración Balfour y todo lo que hubo detrás de esta promesa británica. ?

FUENTES: La cuestión palestina (Edward Said), 10 mitos de Israel (Ilan Pappé), He aquí Palestina. El sionismo al desnudo (Hussein Triki), La invención del pueblo, La invención de la Tierra de Israel. De Tierra Santa a Madre Patria (Shlomo Sand), Los mitos fundacionales de la política israelí (Roger Garaudy), Resolución de San Remo 1920-Mandato Británico de Palestina (A. Isserof), El Pacto de la Sociedad de Naciones. Artículo Nº22 (Sociedad de Naciones), Declaración Balfour (A. Balfour), Historia del sionismo 1600–1918: Volumen II (N. Sokolow), La declaración balfour los orígenes del conflicto árabe-israelí (J. Schneer), El futuro de Palestina (H. Samuel)

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Palestine is the most well-documented genocide in history, yet the most denied.

Bideoa: https://x.com/i/status/1855599445863223457

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?￰゚ヌᄌ Adi! Nazioarteko Zuzenbidea eta Palestinaren aldeko borroka atalean, Francesca Albanesek (Palestinari buruzko NBEko kontalari berezia) parte hartuko du larunbat honetako jardunaldi juridikoetan Bilbon, Monique Chemillier-Gendreau ELDHko ohorezko prsidentearekin batera.

Aipamena

Gaza Under Attack_?￰゚ヌᄌ@Palestine001_

aza. 12

Standing ovation for Francesca Albanese at SOAS University of London ?

Bideoa: https://x.com/i/status/1856234490412106146

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EXCLUSIVE Interview With The Reluctant Chronicler: Francesca Albanese https://youtu.be/5-IM3O9laLc?si=37pEfR3ERg2-hGko

Honen bidez:

@YouTube

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EXCLUSIVE Interview With The Reluctant Chronicler: Francesca Albanese

(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5-IM3O9laLc)

I spoke with Francesca Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories Since 1967. Her new report, Genocide as Colonial Erasure, maps out the totality of Israel’s genocide in Gaza but also chronicles and warns of the spread of the genocide in to the Occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

READ FULL REPORT: https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/ge…

Transkripzioa:

0:00

[Music]

0:08

thank you so much for joining me my

0:10

pleasure um I want to start with your

0:13

report uh titled genocide as Colonial

0:17

Erasure can you take me through the

0:19

title what do you mean by genocide as

0:21

Colonial Erasure

0:24

M this report cannot be read without

0:29

having

0:30

an idea of why I started investigating

0:34

genocide

0:36

um and I presented a report about that

0:39

in March this year so this is the second

0:41

report about genocide that I present to

0:44

the United Nations and I had already

0:48

concluded that there were reasonable

0:49

grounds to believe that Israel had

0:51

committed acts of genocide in Gaza um

0:56

then in this report I had I felt

0:59

compelled to explain why this genocide

1:02

is happening and why the State intent

1:05

the state responsibility is so obvious

1:09

and cannot be missed because not only

1:11

this is the only way to stop it as soon

1:14

as possible but also to make sure that

1:17

this is the lastic Justice that is

1:19

perpetrated against the Palestinian

1:21

people as you said this is your second

1:24

fulsome report in in the last year in

1:27

March of 2024 you concluded that there

1:29

were reasonable grounds to believe that

1:31

Israel had committed acts of genocide in

1:33

Gaza and this second report when I was

1:36

reading it really focused on the

1:38

totality of Israel’s actions and you

1:41

refer to the genocide as a quote means

1:44

to an end um how has Israel’s genocide

1:48

of the Palestinians progressed from your

1:50

first report to the second it doesn’t

1:53

sensify it the genocide has intensified

1:57

that in Gaza I’ve analyzed B

2:00

massacres attacks on civilians that have

2:03

become more and more obvious as the

2:05

resistance in

2:07

Gaza gets

2:09

decimated you could see that there are

2:12

only civilians

2:14

between between Israel army and Israeli

2:17

Army’s objective which is to take the

2:19

land without the people this is why I

2:21

call it Colonial Erasure and this is not

2:24

something that

2:25

started

2:26

um started recently this is something

2:31

that has been building up building up

2:33

but then as of October 8th it escalated

2:36

into an unprecedented and determined

2:39

destruction of the Palestinian people

2:42

which started in Gaza but it’s metzing

2:44

to the rest of the occupied polian

2:46

territory yeah I I I want to come to the

2:49

rest of the territories because your

2:50

report also warns about this spread into

2:53

the occupied West Bank and East

2:55

Jerusalem what are you seeing and

2:57

hearing in that area that worries you

2:59

the

3:00

most it’s the patterns is the similarity

3:04

of the attacks against Palestinian

3:07

civilians the scale the nature the

3:10

cruelty the sadism the dehumanization

3:14

but you know um the attacks on civilian

3:17

infrastructure for example

3:20

destroying um homes uh shops um energy

3:25

greed the seage and and livelihood

3:29

uh

3:31

hospitals this is something that has

3:33

happened both in the West Bank and Gaza

3:34

of course much more lethal and

3:36

destructive in in Gaza but the arrest

3:39

and detention mass arrest and detention

3:42

and brutalization of the Palestinians

3:44

deprived of their Liberty and even the

3:45

use of torture and rape this is

3:48

something that has concerned all

3:49

Palestinians both from Gaza and the West

3:52

Bank um and also

3:56

the the The Taking of the land is the PA

4:00

that is identifiable both in the West

4:03

Bank and East Jerusalem and the Gaza

4:05

Strip um over your tenure as special

4:09

reporter you’ve continued to highlight

4:11

impunity the impunity with which Israel

4:14

acts and you you make recommendations

4:18

for how to hold Israel to account

4:21

particularly in your second report and

4:23

in your first report have you seen any

4:25

of these recommendations implemented has

4:28

anything happened

4:30

over the past year it yes and no in the

4:34

sense that uh I see an increasing number

4:38

of countries joining South Africa in

4:41

their uh in in the case against Israel

4:45

for breach of the genocide convention I

4:49

see countries suspending ties with

4:52

Israel uh particularly from the global

4:54

South diplomatic economic and uh um

4:58

political ties I see also in the West in

5:02

some countries like Spain Ireland

5:06

Portugal Belgium there is an

5:08

increasing uh realization that business

5:11

as usual cannot continue but still it’s

5:14

very little I wouldn’t say late because

5:18

there are still Palestinian lives to be

5:20

saved um and to stop the Erasure of pal

5:23

what REM remains of Palestine but still

5:26

it’s very it’s it’s appalling that is

5:30

has not been stopped yet including after

5:32

killing miming injuring at least

5:36

155,000 people killing 45,000 including

5:40

177,000

5:42

children this is

5:44

monstrous um I want to move to Israel’s

5:46

own State structure and failures at

5:49

stopping this genocide um one of the

5:51

talking points that is often heard from

5:54

the US state department is that Israel

5:56

has procedures and policies and to

5:58

investigate itself self and that it’s a

6:01

democracy and that we need to allow

6:03

these processes to play out um we also

6:05

heard Israel’s lawyers make such a claim

6:08

at the icj but in your report you write

6:11

the state of Israel is predicated on the

6:13

goal of Palestinian eraser its entire

6:16

political system is directed towards

6:18

that goal State structures have

6:20

historically architected the oppression

6:22

of Palestinians now its institutions

6:26

failing to function as a bullwark are

6:28

together advancing the course of the

6:30

current catastrophe can you unpack that

6:33

for me a little bit in what way are

6:35

Israel’s own institutions advancing this

6:39

genocide look um again to establish

6:43

State intent what has been done so far

6:47

uh by the Juris Prudence on other

6:49

genocide cases is to determine whether

6:53

there was individual

6:55

responsibility because if one state

6:57

official commits genocide dis immed

6:59

medely reflects into State

7:01

responsibility but my point is that we

7:03

cannot wait for a trial of perpetrators

7:07

that might not happen I mean we need to

7:09

find prosecutors at the international

7:11

level or domestic level uh eager to to

7:16

take the case and it might not happen

7:18

and so the genocide cannot be cannot be

7:21

stopped or cannot be uh even seen and uh

7:25

and um this is what’s happening in this

7:28

case but how can we we not see the

7:30

genocidal intent the state

7:33

responsibility in a state that not only

7:36

when it was alerted that there was a

7:37

risk of genocide and certain members

7:40

from the president of the state to the

7:43

Prime Minister and the and a minister of

7:46

defense they were all named as having

7:50

incited uh to commit genocide by the by

7:55

the icj in January 2024 the Judiciary

8:00

should have been investigated and it

8:02

didn’t do that this is not the act of

8:04

individual members of the cabinets what

8:07

have other U Israeli Minister done what

8:10

has the parliament done so you see not

8:13

only there was nothing done to stop the

8:17

acts of genocidal violence but in fact

8:20

there has been an enabling atmosphere

8:23

that has even worsened the this

8:27

situation um if we sort of move to the

8:31

discussion of the g-word genocide and

8:33

how some are very reluctant to call this

8:36

what it is to use the right words um one

8:39

of my genocide studies professors uh Dr

8:42

Gregory Stanton who runs uh genocide

8:44

watch the website came up with the sort

8:47

of these 10 stages of genocide starting

8:49

with classification and ending with

8:53

denial um and from the first stage of

8:57

classification to that last stage at

8:59

what point would you say Israel is in

9:02

right

9:05

now I don’t think that there is um there

9:08

is one simple answer to this in the

9:10

sense that various parts of the of the

9:14

of the states are committing genocide

9:18

boasting about it uh concealing it so

9:23

there is

9:24

uh there is no denial there is

9:27

camouflage this is think so unique to

9:30

Israel because Israel is committing acts

9:33

of killing infliction of conditions of

9:36

life that would lead to the destruction

9:38

of the people in the group in H or in

9:41

part it’s uh inflicting severe bodly

9:45

mental harm to members of I mean to the

9:48

Palestinians but is justifying it as

9:52

legitimate self defense against human

9:56

animals against terrorists and you know

9:59

what Israel is

10:01

creating by this token a world without

10:08

civilians I want to come back to the

10:10

occupied West Bank and onra which Israel

10:13

recently officially sent a letter to the

10:16

UN ending its agreement which gave a

10:18

deadline of like three months um this

10:21

relationship between anra and Israel is

10:23

one that I think a lot of people don’t

10:25

quite understand because one of the

10:27

talking points that you often hear is

10:29

why do Palestinians have their own

10:31

Refugee agency you know why can’t they

10:34

have you know be treated like other uh

10:37

places or people can you briefly just

10:40

explain the relationship between anra

10:43

and Israel and why anra even

10:47

exists anra exists because the

10:50

Palestinian refugee question so there

10:53

are 750,000 Palestinians were

10:56

displaced by uh Zionist militias at the

11:01

creation of the state of Israel they

11:03

were kicked out of their homes their

11:05

homes were often destroyed or soon to be

11:08

given to

11:11

others and uh and these people ended up

11:14

Pi Refugee coms this happened before

11:16

even the refugee convention was signed

11:19

was ratified therefore there were other

11:23

bodies of the United Nations that were

11:25

created to take care of palestin

11:27

refugees back then years ago having adoc

11:31

solutions to master Refugee crisis was

11:34

normal then uncr came board but you know

11:39

while and has remained as the main

11:42

provider of assistance and the relief to

11:46

Palestinian refugees the political

11:48

Dimension that was embodied by another

11:50

agency which was to which andram was

11:52

unary the UN conciliation commission for

11:56

Palestine has been completely uh demoted

12:00

from the discussion there is the

12:03

Palestinians are Palestinian refugees

12:04

are suspended in a limbo and it’s not

12:08

true that um the tanra operates outside

12:12

of the real of international law Refugee

12:15

law by

12:17

uh renovating the refugee status of the

12:20

refugees this is what happens including

12:22

within the scope of action of unhcr

12:26

protracted Refugee uh situations

12:29

translate into derivative Refugee status

12:32

so for Palestinian refugees and also for

12:34

17 million refugees

12:38

worldwide I I sort of recently compared

12:42

Israel in this way to like a dad who

12:44

doesn’t pay alimony you know to his

12:47

children because when I when I was

12:49

reading about what anra provides so

12:52

Education Health Care all of this is

12:55

that not the responsibility of Israel as

12:57

an occupying Force as an occupying power

13:00

well the responsibility of Israel should

13:02

be first and foremost to let that

13:04

Refugee return and uh return their

13:08

properties everything that is under the

13:11

custodian the custodians that was

13:13

created

13:15

to to recollect and to to take control

13:18

of everything that the Palestinians have

13:20

left

13:21

behind uh but also yes of course I mean

13:24

as an occupying power in the occupied

13:26

Palestinian territory although the

13:28

occupation is UNL and needs to be

13:29

dismantled but as long as it’s there

13:31

Israel is obliged to observe

13:34

International humanitarian law which

13:36

includes the provision of basic Services

13:38

of fundamental services like Education

13:41

Health to the occupied people so if

13:43

Israel if Andra doesn’t do that it will

13:47

be the responsibility of

13:49

Israel uh you you spoke at the talk

13:52

about the sort of

13:54

unprecedented not only rhetorical War

13:57

Israel has waged against the US but

13:59

actual physical War 70% of structures

14:02

demolished or bombed hundreds of un

14:05

workers killed and you followed that up

14:09

with you know invoking article six

14:12

suspending Israel as a member Nation can

14:14

you take me um through what the process

14:17

of that would actually be like how how

14:19

would the the mechanics of that work

14:22

what is article six how do you

14:25

tell article six concerns the

14:28

possibility to spend to suspend the

14:31

credentials of a UN member

14:33

states uh which is uh upon the general

14:39

assembly generally after recommendations

14:42

of the security Council now the security

14:45

Council might not make that

14:47

recommendations but this is one of those

14:49

cases where I think the the general

14:53

assembly should invoke as it has been

14:56

with resolution 37 I think it’s an

15:00

number uh uniting for peace uh the the

15:05

capacity to advance toward Solutions

15:08

when uh there is an impass at the UN

15:11

Security Council level and in any case

15:14

already having this discussion about

15:17

suspending Israel is fundamental because

15:19

it’s uh it allows to expose the the

15:23

gravity what Israel has been has been

15:25

doing in the occupied Palestinian

15:27

territory over the past 400 Days

15:30

um I want to end with this I have a lot

15:32

more questions for you but I don’t I

15:34

don’t want to take up more of your time

15:35

I want to ask you about comparison and

15:38

then

15:40

exceptionalism um when it comes to

15:42

genocide uh from Rwanda to Cambodia to

15:46

Myanmar to the Nazi Genocide of the Jews

15:48

and the Armenian Genocide um which

15:51

Germany also had a handed uh they all

15:54

have common

15:55

markers um how important is it to be

15:59

able to make

16:01

comparisons when you’re trying to sort

16:03

of map the way genocides work in order

16:07

to stop them before they

16:14

happen there are different

16:17

layers uh of answers to this question

16:21

because

16:23

certainly uh the the possibility to

16:27

assess that there are are certain

16:29

recurring patterns and um and events uh

16:34

and certain stages the fact that theyve

16:38

been there are commonalities across the

16:41

the various genocides no matter how

16:44

specific then they are because there is

16:46

no one genocide like look like

16:49

another

16:51

however what this comparative assessment

16:55

should lead to is the ability to

16:58

prevention

16:59

side and here’s we where we continue to

17:03

feel the other thing is

17:06

um the fact that there is one common

17:10

element always it’s

17:13

dehumanization when the dehumanization

17:15

is so profound so

17:17

rooted uh one group doesn’t see the

17:20

other as human there is no possibility

17:23

to save lives and in fact the fury of

17:28

the

17:29

genocidal power keeps on growing um it’s

17:34

like a it’s it’s like if the was if if

17:39

the the executioners of the genocide

17:42

were possessed it’s incredible it’s

17:45

incredible how vient it

17:47

is but also wait a second because I

17:50

forgot what I wanted to say just bear

17:52

with me

17:54

mm um what is interesting is to

17:59

now to look at what stops

18:03

genocide

18:05

and unfortunately what what is a auran

18:09

pattern is exteral external

18:12

Intervention which I mean lacking

18:16

which people are destined to be to be

18:19

exterminated

18:22

genocided um last question at your press

18:25

conference in Ottawa you mentioned how

18:27

Canada is uncomfortable with the use of

18:29

the word

18:31

apartheid uh last month I spoke with

18:33

Palestinian lawyer Diana

18:35

Buu and I asked her why she thinks

18:38

despite all the features and markers of

18:40

an apartheid state that governments

18:42

avoid using the term why do you think

18:45

people are so reluctant or hesitant to

18:48

use that

18:50

word because aparti is a crime

18:53

recognizing it as a crime carries

18:57

responsibilities uh responsibilities to

19:00

to stop it not to engage with

19:03

it uh to take actions

19:06

including

19:08

Justice and clearly this country is not

19:11

ready to do that

19:13

sad but

19:15

true and finally in 20 to 30 years

19:19

Franchesca how do you think we’ll look

19:20

back on this

19:22

time to

19:23

speakable

19:27

shameful doesn’t

19:29

thousands of children have been

19:31

literally

19:33

butchered butchered by the by the

19:36

Israeli

19:37

Army and they’ve been posting about that

19:41

like other Jos there this is what the me

19:44

the Jos there document and almost take

19:48

pleasure at inflicting and almost pain

19:51

on a

19:52

people you’ve wor used the word sadism a

19:56

lot I’ve yeah it’s really s

19:59

what they

20:00

do and at the same

20:03

time this is

20:05

televised it I mean it goes on our

20:09

mobile phones and this is why I use the

20:13

word CL I mean I I I evoked clock workor

20:16

orange we are clock worked into

20:19

acceptance of this repulsive repetition

20:23

of

20:24

history and this is this is for me the

20:28

failure of

20:29

International legal order if we can’t

20:32

pre if we can’t prevent

20:35

genocide if we can’t

20:38

prevent the extermination of a people

20:41

the destruction of a

20:45

people what remains to be said to be to

20:48

be

20:49

used and yet there is this ground swell

20:52

of the huge movement of solidarity that

20:54

I’ve never seen I mean I I was at this

20:56

University in 2005 2006

20:59

we we brought Norman finlin here we

21:01

brought Robert Fisk um but what these

21:05

students did this year at this

21:07

University is unprecedented what they

21:10

did all over the world so does that give

21:12

you any any hope of course of course I

21:16

would be I would be

21:18

unfair and blind if I didn’t recognize

21:22

the Mets work that has been done by

21:24

these young people and it’s so

21:27

infuriating so creating to see how much

21:30

risk they had to take and the fact where

21:33

were their professors those teaching

21:36

them about human rights and then not

21:39

supporting them the moment that this

21:40

this young people take the take the

21:43

street to try to try to protest in the

21:46

fet of people which is being

21:48

discriminated and this is where you see

21:50

that even in universities which should

21:53

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21:56

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21:59

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22:02

knowledge needs to be based on facts

22:05

even

22:06

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22:10

fabrication of Lies than the truth the

22:14

truth has been as it often happens one

22:16

of the victims of this recent assault

22:20

yeah the first victim thank you so much

22:23

I really appreciate I wel2 I’m sorry Z

22:27

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22:29

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oooooo

Macro n Cheese Podcast #MMT@CheeseMacro

Over 500 Palestinian villages were destroyed, and 750,000 people expelled during the #Nakba. Learn more about this pivotal moment in history and its lasting impact on #Gaza in our latest ep. ft. @jasonhickel which drops Sat. 11/9 @ 8 am ET! #Genocide

Bideoa: https://x.com/i/status/1855058835532140987

oooooo

Dive deep into the impacts of U.S. foreign policy and global capitalism. Uncover the truths about Gaza, Israel, & imperialism w/ @sdgrumbine& @jasonhickelin our latest ep. which drops Sat. 11/9 @ 8 am ET. #Gaza #Israel #Imperialism

Listen here: https://realprogressives.org/macro-n-cheese/

Irudia

 

oooooo

Episode 302 – Gaza Genocide & Empire with Jason Hickel

(https://realprogressives.org/mnc-podcast-ep/episode-302-gaza-genocide-empire-with-jason-hickel/)

Dr. Jason Hickel explains Israel’s role as US proxy, and how the genocide in Gaza is intentional and necessary for imperialism.

NOTES:

A capitalist economy requires constant imperialist wars because it has to constantly suppress prices and wages and reorganize production in the global south around accumulation in the core. That is ultimately the system that we have to overcome.” 

Jason Hickel, who won our hearts a while back by accepting MMT, talks with Steve about the burning issue of our time. (No, not the US election, though they touch on the electoral system.) As much as Gaza is dominating social media, we must continue to stress its place in the capital order. Jason points us to Israel’s true role: sowing chaos and instability in the region.   

The conversation covers the historical and ongoing imperialistic strategies of the U.S. and its reactions to the mid-century liberation movements of the Global South, placing US support for Israel’s actions as part of a broader capitalist agenda to maintain control over the world’s resources and labor markets. Jason looks at China’s domestic successes and how they have led to the US virtually declaring war. He also touches on recent news about BRICS. 

Jason compares the history of the state of Israel to that of apartheid S. Africa. They used many of the same tactics and rationalizations. When it comes to the future for Israelis and Palestinians, S. Africa again provides a model: 

What is the actual solution for this region? And I think we have to be clear. The alternative is democracy. The alternative to apartheid is democracy.  Democracy and equal rights for all people in the land of Palestine, from the river to the sea… 

We have to start thinking about what this means… This is exactly what South Africa did after they abolished apartheid… They disestablished the apartheid state. They disestablished the apartheid institutions. They ensured equal rights and democracy for all within the territory.” 

Dr. Jason Hickel is an economic anthropologist, author, and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts.  He is Professor at the Institute for Environmental Science and Technology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, Visiting Senior Fellow at the International Inequalities Institute at the London School of Economics, and Chair Professor of Global Justice and the Environment at the University of Oslo.  Health. 

Jason’s research focuses on global political economy, inequality, and ecological economics, which are the subjects of his two most recent books: The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions (Penguin, 2017), and Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World (Penguin, 2020), which was listed by the Financial Times and New Scientist as a book of the year. 

Audioa: https://podcasts.captivate.fm/media/48c77969-2bae-40bb-adee-c72415afa428/Ep-302-Gaza-Genocide-Empire-with-Jason-Hickel.mp3

Transkripzioa:

Steve Grumbine

00:00:37.445 – 00:03:11.925

All right, this is Steve with Macro N Cheese.

As I’m sure most of you know, I have become very, very focused in pretty much everything that I do these days on what’s going on in Gaza right now. On what’s happening with US Empire and how the pursuit of capital has created a very, very warped understanding, a warped view of not only ourselves, but the world around us. And the slaughter. The genocide that is occurring in Gaza right here, right now, not in some future state, not in some other administration.

The current administration right here, right now, fully funding – I believe it’s 70% of all the bombs and other military offerings the United States can provide – have been to Israel. Israel has been able to somehow or another get things that US Citizens could never dream of, like health and a decent life.

They’re being given everything by this administration.

All efforts to make this administration stop funding a genocide have been met with very, very gaslighting-type arguments of what do you want, Trump or this, that and the other. And this is not an electoral conversation.

This is a conversation about doing the right thing. About standing up for the little guy. About ending oppression. About ending slaughter. About ending genocide. About ending an apartheid state that we’re watching livestream before our very eyes. And so I brought on my friend and repeat guest, Jason Hickel, who, you know, I jokingly say is my spirit animal. This guy is really principled.

I’ve never seen him take a position that I did not somehow or another find myself in.

And so I wanted to bring him on so you could hear from someone who I believe is a man of honor and integrity, who wants to see the world change, who wants to fix the climate crisis, who wants to end oppression in the Global South. And he wants to bring an end to the slaughter for the Palestinian people, in particular in Gaza, which is an open air prison. It’s horrible.

And so, without further ado, my guest, Jason Hickle. He is the professor at the Institute for Environmental Science and Technology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, the author of the Divide and Less Is More. Welcome to the show, sir.

Jason Hickel

00:03:12.425 – 00:03:14.845

Thanks very much, Steve. It’s good to be with you again.

Steve Grumbine

00:03:15.715 – 00:04:59.035

Yeah, I wish this could be like a real super joyful conversation, because every time I get an opportunity to talk to you, I’m really looking forward to it. But it’s hard for me to eat. I’m not sleeping well. I cry at weird times in the middle of my work day. I think I’m so powerless.

What can I do about this? And when I talk to my friends who are just standard Democrats, they tell me I’m myopic. They tell me that I’m missing the forest for the trees.

And I’m like, I don’t know how there could be anything else more important. I mean, what was happening, you know, with Hitler and the Jews During World War II, we’re witnessing happening again today.

Except this time, the difference is instead of us sending military to Normandy to storm the beach, we’re the ones funding the genocide. And I can’t in good conscience accept that. I can’t accept that, and yet I have no power to fix it.

I see you leading the charge out there, and I know, believe me, before you deprecate on yourself, because I know you’re a very humble man.

I know there are a lot of people, lots and lots of people that are doing this, and some that are in-theater, that are risking their very lives right now. But people like you, Jason, allow people like me who are not huge, who are just conscientious people that see this and want to change it.

You allow us to speak with bold authority. And the way you present things is always tied together with other things. It’s not just myopic. It’s the environment. It’s peace.

It’s bringing about a way of life that everyone can thrive in. And so that’s why I find you fascinating, and I wanted to have this conversation with you.

Jason Hickel

00:04:59.415 – 00:06:52.655

Thanks, Steve. Yeah, that’s really interesting to hear. And I completely resonate with your sense of feeling, well, disgusted and also powerless.

I mean, I feel the same way. I think that for a lot of us, the past year has just been wretched.

The things that we’re seeing live-streamed in front of us every day are very clearly like the worst things that are possible to imagine, right? The worst things that, certainly, I’ve ever seen in my conscious life. And it is striking – the sense of powerlessness that everybody feels, right?

Because it’s almost like we were all kind of under the impression that if we just voiced our outrage, then it would stop. And clearly, that’s not the case.

And I think that what this has really revealed is that these are Western countries that are effectively, in most cases, aiding and abetting or actively, in the case of the US, actively supporting what’s going on. And it’s remarkable because they call themselves democracies, right?

And yet it’s very clear that even while the majority of their voting population strongly objects to what is being carried out, people are unable to get the state to change course. And that is a profound – instills a profound sense of powerlessness. Of powerlessness that I think we need to reflect on, right?

I mean, clearly we do not live in real democracies. If we had even a shred of meaningful democracy, clearly, this is such an important issue that we be able to have some kind of collective deliberation about it. Realize that we collectively object, and immediately change course. But that’s clearly not the case. Our ruling classes have decided this is the course they’re taking and nothing will stop them.

And in the US where there’s this ridiculous two-party system prevents any meaningful alternative approach to US foreign policy. And it’s a massive disaster. I mean, for me, the October surprise in this election is that you have this so-called progressive candidate.

The so-called progressive candidate is in the middle of actively supporting and arming a genocide. And that’s striking. I’ve never seen anything more disgusting in the middle of an election season.

And it’s amazing to me that they think that that doesn’t have an effect on voters morale, on turnout, et cetera, et cetera. I mean, we’ll see what happens. But to me it looks like a disaster.

Steve Grumbine

00:06:53.355 – 00:08:41.115

Well, what you said, something that I think is very profound. We don’t have a democracy. I mean, this is no democracy at all.

And during the quote-unquote “primary period,” I mean, in the United States, both parties are private corporations that have by-laws that they can do whatever they want. They’re not accountable. Yet,they have a monopoly or a duopoly, if you will, on the political space.

And they control the elections, they control the debates, they control absolutely everything down to candidate selection. And you know, I’ve grown to believe that voting does nothing for us in this nation, because every single thing . . .

You know, just think about this, going back to 2016 when Bernie Sanders ran for the first time, and then even in 2020 when Bernie Sanders ran again. Now, mind you, Bernie’s busy telling us to ignore genocide and, you know, vote for Kamala, which, you know –

And again, I’m not here to talk about politics because I don’t feel like it matters. I don’t feel like we have a real stake in the game because whatever happens is out of our control. You’ve named it. The Oligarchs, the ownership class have made their decision. But within that space everybody’s trying to tell you that you’re the bad guy for focusing on it while you just, literally, see three-year-old children with half their head blown off or legs missing, et cetera. And I say to myself, how can somebody look past that? How can someone even possibly have the chutzpah to look at someone and say you’re being myopic?

I’ve got nine children. Five boys, four girls. And I think about it all the time. What would happen if someone were blowing my babies up? How would I feel and how would I react?

And watching this happen and knowing full well that there are people out there trying to tell us we got to save democracy.

Jason Hickel

00:08:41.235 – 00:08:42.347

Yeah, it’s horrendous.

Steve Grumbine

00:08:42.451 – 00:08:44.495

How do you reconcile this, Jason?

Jason Hickel

00:08:44.915 – 00:09:52.667

Yeah, it’s really wild to me what the political class is doing right now with this just extraordinary gaslighting, right?

And I think that we need to try to cut through some of this and ask ourselves, like, why actually is it that the US is actively supporting the Israeli genocide and its war crimes? Even in the face of what is very clearly massive international condemnation, including massive resistance from within their own populations, right? To the point of having to suppress student protests and throw a bunch of people in jail and et cetera, et cetera.

Also, at massive expense to the US economy and to the point of totally debasing international law, right? Why would the US administration do this?

It’s interesting because I think that most people tend to fall back on explanatory narratives like the power of AIPAC in US elections, et cetera, et cetera, which is definitely real. I mean, there’s no question that AIPAC is clearly playing a key role here. But at the same time, I think that that doesn’t capture the whole story.

I think the reality is that the US ruling class broadly supports Israel’s actions because they see in this the interests of US capitalism. Okay, so let me try to explain what I think is going on here. The first key thing to understand is that the capitalist economy is a world system,

right? And this is something that we’ve discussed on your show before1.

Steve Grumbine

00:09:52.731 – 00:09:53.043

Yes.

Jason Hickel

00:09:53.099 – 00:16:42.895

Where growth ends, capital accumulation in the Core statesso the US, Britain, Germany, other parts of Western Europe, [the “Core,” hereafter] et cetera, et cetera – relies very heavily on the appropriation of cheap inputs and resources from the Global South, right? This is the way the world system operates. Capital has relied on this imperial arrangement for the entirety of its 500-year history.

Obviously, this arrangement was clear during the colonial period, right?

But then what’s interesting is that, in the middle of the 20th century, it faced a massive challenge in the form of national liberation movements across the Global South that were overthrowing the imperial occupiers and bringing in socialist governments or otherwise, nationalists – nationalist governments aimed at regaining sovereign control over productive capacity and organizing it more around national development.

Okay, now what’s interesting is that we know that this posed a massive threat to Western capitalism because sovereign developments in the periphery in the Global South was cutting off their supply of cheap labor and raw materials which they had relied on for several hundred years prior. And it’s crucial that people understand this fact.

When the South pursues sovereign development, it means that they begin to produce for themselves and they consume their own resources. When they do that, it makes inputs more expensive for the Core, which constrains the consumption and their profits, right?

So this effectively poses a crisis for capital accumulation in the Core. And as far as capital is concerned, that cannot be allowed to happen. So we know how this played out, right?

Western powers responded to the national liberation movements with absolutely extraordinary violence during the ’50s and ’60s

they intervened militarily to depose and often even assassinate progressive liberation leaders like Mohammad Mossadegh in IranPatrice Lumumba in the CongoSukarno in IndonesiaSalvador Allende in ChileKwame Nkrumah in Ghana. I mean, we can go on all day about the assassinations and coups that occurred.

And in most cases, of course, they replaced these progressive leaders with right-wing dictatorships that were more or less willing to maintain the peripheral economy in a kind of subordinate position to Western capital. And of course, they also went on to do the same thing to, like, Vietnam, Cambodia, more recently Iraq, Libya, et cetera, et cetera, right?

So, okay, that’s the background. The crucial thing is that we have to understand US support for Israel as part of this history.

This is crucial because the US started to support the Zionist project in the 1960s because they saw it as a way to have a massive military base in the Middle east and North Africa where they could stage counter-revolutionary interventions against the Arab socialist and national liberation struggles that were gaining traction at that time, right? The US, fundamentally, could not accept the prospects of sovereign developments in the Middle East and North Africa.

The liberation movements in that region had to be crushed. They had to be destabilized, and they used Israel to accomplish these objectives. This is clear when you look at how Israel has been instrumental in coordinating the assassination of liberation leaders in the Arab region, right?

In direct alignment with US interests.

It also constantly attacks the frontline states – like the states just east of its borders, north and south of its borders – destabilizing their societies, destabilizing their economies.

And what this does is it forces them to divert their resources and productive capacities towards defensive buildup rather than industrial developments. This is a US strategy.

It’s effectively a de-development strategy where the idea is the more you can destabilize the society, the more you can get them to fracture internally and have to divert their capacities to defensive buildup, the less they’re going to be developing sovereign industrial capacity, et cetera, et cetera, which would allow them to achieve the kind of development that the West is ultimately very against. So this is the crucial way to understand it: Israel is not an ally of the US in the conventional sense of the term. It’s effectively a proxy, right?

And it’s particularly useful to the US because it allows them to basically have a degree of plausible deniability. And this is what we’re seeing, right?

The US can send Israel weapons and directly coordinate military strategy with them around agreed military objectives, such as the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, but then claim that it’s not responsible for the violence that Israel is inflicting in the region, right? And this is particularly useful when you’re trying to avoid backlash from your voters, right?

Like you can say, it’s not us, it’s Israel doing it. In fact, we’re trying to restrain Israel. But of course, that’s bullshit. All of this is coordinated.

There’s no way that Israel does anything of any military significance without direct US knowledge and approval. So, by the way, this is why Israel is so hated in the region.

It’s not only because Israel is, obviously, hell bent on ethnically cleansing Palestine – which by the way, causes massive destabilization in the region because you’re pushing all these Palestinians across borders; other societies have to absorb them as refugees – but also Israel is constantly intervening to create chaos and instability across the region.

And this is clearly intolerable. And everybody in the region can see that fact.

I mean, this is why Israel is regarded as such disdain. Because it basically just sows chaos and violence everywhere it goes.

Now, what’s interesting is that there’s a direct historical analogy for this because the Core states used South Africa in exactly the same way, right? And think about this. When you look back, you recognize that the US and Britain supported the apartheid regime in South Africa, right?

Even against overwhelming international condemnation because it was useful to them as a kind of highly militarized Western colonial outpost in that region that was geared up to run counterinsurgency operations not only against revolutionary movements within South Africa, but also against liberation struggles in Angola, in Mozambique, in Zimbabwe, in Namibia, in the Congo, even further afield.

So South Africa was used as a staging ground for counterinsurgency operations by the west, and that’s why they supported it, even though it was obviously an evil regime. So we’re in the situation now,

coming back to the question of Palestine, where the vast majority of the world and international law itself supports Palestinian liberation, but not the US but not Germany, but not Britain. Why?

The reason is because Palestinian liberation would effectively remove a key US proxy and would also, inevitably, open the way to regional liberation movements in North Africa and Middle East. So a liberated Palestine effectively means a liberated Middle East.

And a liberated Middle East with sovereign economic power, which would be able to control its own resources, develop its own resources, consume its own resources, is strongly antithetical to the interests of Western capital. It, basically, cannot be allowed. This is, basically, a reality, right?

The Western ruling classes are willing to back absolutely obscene violence in Gaza in the face of all of us.

They’re willing to shred the liberal values that they claim to believe in because they ultimately want to maintain the conditions for capital accumulation and US geopolitical hegemony. So I think we have to understand this as, like, core US policy, these are decisions that have been made.

And to me, like all of the hand wringing that we see from Biden and Harris, like, the constant discourse about, you know, we want to see a ceasefire and we’re negotiating for a ceasefire, and too many innocent lives are being lost. All of this is just theater. It’s just theater that’s designed to diffuse our anger, to give them plausible deniability.

But ultimately, I think we have to understand that this is – effectively – in line with U.S. policy.

Steve Grumbine

00:16:43.055 – 00:17:12.049

You know, I guess Bill Clinton went to Michigan, of all places, a place that is heavily Muslim. And I guess he was sent out there with the talking points of the Harris administration. And he lectured them, basically telling them, hey, I’m sure you’re tired of seeing all these dead babies, but you got to remember, look at what Hamas did to Israel. And spent the entire time lecturing them on how, you know, what would you do?

And it might have been the most disgusting thing I’ve ever heard in my life.

Jason Hickel

00:17:12.137 – 00:17:13.017

That’s horrible.

Steve Grumbine

00:17:13.121 – 00:18:54.605

Just shockingly tone deaf. But it’s not a matter of feedback. I don’t believe they’re looking for feedback.

I believe this is the manufacturing consent part of the script that they run. Where they’re going to go out there and they’re just going to repeat these things because they know low-information folks – people that are stressed or people that are just sycophantic to the party – will just repeat it. And that’s enough. That’s all they need to worry about.

That’s how this echoing, gaslighting occurs.

And as I’m looking at the concept of capital – I mean, going back to when Bill Clinton got elected – he spent his time doing everything he could to distance himself from labor, from actually caring about the oppressed, to literally, becoming the New Democrat with triangulation and the Third Way to basically co-opt Ronald Reagan’s space. So everything that they hated about Ronald Reagan, they became.

I mean, Chris Hedges is famous for saying, you know, the genius of Bill Clinton was that he basically turned the Democrats into the Republican Party and made the Republicans turn into, I guess, MAGA, right? But that’s assuming this whole smoke and mirrors game of politics is even real.

That, like, this is not just meant for us, who really have no voice, to, kind of, be guided through the kill zone. To basically, be brought to slaughter ourselves and just ignored. Help me understand why it is that people fall for this.

I know the Hasbara is significant when it comes to Israeli propaganda, but why do you suppose people . . . is it just too much to handle? Do you think that they are incapable of this kind of consequential understanding?

Jason Hickel

00:18:55.225 – 00:23:08.411

Yeah, I mean, it’s so difficult to say. Look, I think you have to understand that, that most Americans are fairly low-information on this issue, right? And so it becomes very easy for the ruling class to play to simple prejudices, right?

I mean, even just the mention of something like Hezbollah or Hamas . . . I mean . . . these words have become sort of, in US discourse, like synonymous with evil to the extent that, like, even to be Palestinian is, effectively, synonymous with evil. And any amount of violence is, sort of, justified automatically in response. I mean, this is a deeply racist framework, I think, to begin with.

I think there’s other, like, deeper issues which, for example, like – people assume that Israel is a normal country, right?

Like, a normal country that has, kind of, always been there and is now being attacked and, therefore, has the right to defend itself, et cetera, et cetera. I mean, there’s so much going on here. Like where do you even start to unpack it?

But I think the crucial thing is, okay, let’s take the discourse on Israel’s right to exist. This, to me, is an extremely interesting claim.

It’s amazing the work that this does in our public discourse – it’s effectively a trump card that silences all dissents. So we end up stuck with the notion that Israel is somehow a natural, legitimate entity and we’re not even allowed to question its existence.

So I think that’s really the starting point, right? But if we think about this more carefully, all sorts of questions arise. Do states actually have a right to exist?

Did the apartheid state in South Africa have a right to exist? Did the settler colonial regime of Rhodesia have a right to exist? Did the Nazi state have a right to exist, right?

I mean, clearly in all of these cases, the answer is no. States that rely on apartheid and genocide, clearly, do not have a right to exist. People have a right to exist, but states do not.

So I think that this sort of brings us into the territory of thinking about Israel, right? It’s not at all, a process of legitimate state formation.

So Israel was, of course, like a Zionist settler-colonial project that was established on the territory of Palestine on other people’s lands with the active support of Britain and other Western powers. Why did the West support it back in the early 20th century? Because they saw an opportunity, first of all, by the way, to remove Jews from Europe.

I mean, this is like a deeply antisemitic European ruling class that saw an opportunity to effectively get rid of Jews from their own territory. I mean, we have to understand the alliance that Zionism had with European antisemitism. This is very well documented.

And then their second obvious interest was that they saw an opportunity to build a Western outpost in what they knew was a strategic region in the Middle East.

Now, note that the settler-colonial project in Palestine was only possible because the British exercised colonial power – power over the Palestinian territory. So they actively collaborated in increasing Zionist settlers in the region.

And then in 1948, they partitioned Palestine into two countries, creating a new state out of nothing. And the state was called Israel. Israel was given the majority of the land of Mandatory Palestine, even though they had a minority of the population, and then the rest was allocated to Palestine.

Now, what’s interesting is that proponents of Israel, defenders of Israel, will say, wait a second,the partition plan was voted on and approved by the UN General assembly in 1948, right? Albeit by a slim margin. But there are two things to keep in mind about this.

The first is that at that time – remember, the majority of countries in the global south were still colonized and therefore did not have a seat at the UN or a right to vote – Right? So they were not allowed to participate in this key question. This is during the colonial period.

So the major powers, of course, are the colonial powers, and they’re the ones that are overdetermining this process.

And then second, for Global South countries that were in the UN, we know that they reported that the US and its Western allies, during the voting process, strong-armed them into voting for the partition plan by threatening to cut them off from Western finance or increase interest rates on whatever it might be, right? So they were effectively strong armed into voting for this.

But regardless of what happened during that process, the new Israeli state, basically, immediately sets out on a campaign of violent ethnic cleansing, which we know today is called thNakba.

During the Nakba, they destroyed over 500 Palestinian villages. They massacred thousands of people. They forcibly removed 750,000 human beings from their land and from their homes. Literally stealing their houses, pushing them into refugee camps, denying them the right to return.

Oh, and by the way, it’s important that people know this:

The majority of people who live in Gaza today are refugees or descendants of refugees who were expelled during the Nakba and have never been allowed to return, right?

Steve Grumbine

00:23:08.523 – 00:23:09.203

Wow.

Jason Hickel

00:23:09.379 – 00:25:57.095

So by the end of this process, later, the Nakba, Israel controls nearly 80% of the Palestinian territory. And then after 1967, they occupy most of the rest, of course, exercising virtually total sovereignty over the whole territory, right?

So the key thing to draw from this history is that Israel was founded on the back of colonization and on the back of ethnic cleansing.

And it continues to exist as an entity only because it exercises apartheid power by effectively preventing millions of people within the territory from voting over the sovereign entity that controls the territory. And so, does such a state have a right to exist? I think that’s the question we have to ask ourselves. And, clearly, the answer is no.

I think that we need space in our public discourse to have an honest conversation about this. This raises the question of, what is the proper response once we understand this reality?

Of course, the Western liberal political class continues to ramble on about a two-state solution. But I think it’s important that we recognize that the two-state solution has always been a kind of ruse, right.

It was a promise that was intended to effectively buy time, to suppress the resistance and buy international approval and buy time while Israel effectively continued to establish facts on the ground. Right. Expanding the settlements which are illegal, continuing the process of ethnic cleansing.

And today we’ve reached the point where a two-state solution is just clearly not viable. And Israel itself has officially rejected the prospect of a two-state solution. Right. What they want is they want ethnic cleansing and apartheid.

This is very clear Israeli policy. Now. And so I think that we have to have a conversation, right?

If the two-state solution is dead and if we don’t want to support ethnic cleansing and apartheid, then what is the alternative? Like what is the actual solution for this region? And I think we have to be clear. The alternative is democracy.

The alternative to apartheid is democracy. Democracy and equal rights for all people in the land of Palestine – from the river to the sea. And we have to start thinking about what this means.

It means the disestablishment of the State of Israel and the disestablishment of its institutions and establishing in their place a new government and new institutions. This is not, actually, a difficult thing to imagine. For some reason, this is, like, beyond . . . I mean, people don’t even discuss this.

But this is exactly what South Africa did after they abolished apartheid, right? They disestablished the apartheid state. They disestablished the apartheid institutions.

They ensured equal rights and democracy for all within the territory. And I think that we have to start creating room for people to imagine this and prepare for its realization and start calling for it, actively.

The State of Israel is not a legitimate entity, and it is 100% correct to call for its disestablishment and its replacement with a system of democracy and equal rights.

If we believe – if we claim to believe in democracy and equal rights – then it is imperative that we call for this in the lands of Palestine over which the US effectively operates a kind of proxy control, right? This must be part of our discourse and must be part of our demands.

Intermission

00:25:58.715 – 00:26:18.925

You are listening to Macro N Cheese. A podcast by Real Progressives. We are a 501c3 nonprofit organization. All donations are tax deductible. Please consider becoming a monthly donor on

Patreon, Substack, or our website, realprogressives.org. Now, back to the podcast.

Jason Hickel

00:26:22.105 – 00:26:56.595

And of course, in addition to democratization, which has to be the

Core demands, there’s also, of course, several other things that have to happen.

Like, obviously, the illegal settlements have to be removed. Palestinian refugees must have the right to return to their homes and lands, and they have to be supported in doing that.

They have to receive full rights within the territory. And of course, those who have perpetrated war crimes and genocide have to be brought to trial and to justice. This is the way forward.

I think that this is what we have to start talking about and leave aside the idea of a two-state solution, which was always a ruse to begin with, and be serious about what the future of the region can be.

Steve Grumbine

00:26:57.095 – 00:28:23.231

Number one, all the states outside of [the] US and Israel have been condemning this.

And yet, at the same time – because of the US’s veto power – they have been able to, basically, shut down any kind of meaningful efforts to rectify this, at all.

I mean, there has been tons and tons and tons of condemnation of calling Netanyahu a war criminal and, literally, trying to bring him up for war crimes. And the US has stopped it dead in its tracks.

And let me take it a step further . . . and we talked a little offline about this . . . but the academics in America, and this is very America-centric, so forgive me because I know this extends around the world. You, being an academic as well, may be able to shed some light on this.

Harvard recently censured, I think it was, 25 of its professors and students for having a simple reading in the library. I mean, we’re talking about . . . they are shutting down the very discourse you’re claiming needs to happen to be able to get to a peaceful settlement to any form of workable peace. The universities are kowtowing to their donors, which many of them are Zionists, and they are, literally, shutting down the right to . . . I mean, colleges and universities used to be the place for those discourses. It is being shut down. You rightfully talked about the student protests and they were beaten down in a way that felt very Kent State-like.

I mean, it was alarming. The brown-shirted kind of tactics.

Jason Hickel

00:28:23.303 – 00:28:23.751

It was.

Steve Grumbine

00:28:23.823 – 00:29:06.515

How do you propose with the UN, largely, a toothless dog, given the fact that the United States has veto rights and the fact that the universities are taking a step further and shutting it down? And let me take it a step further:

[Senate Majority Leader] Chuck Schumer [D-NY] recently came out and said that when the election’s over, they are going to do broad-based laws to prevent anyone from criticizing Israel. And broad-based was the way they said it. So, in other words, it would catch anything like, “Zionists,” that would throw that in there as antisemitic.

Any other word that is in any way, shape, or form, targeting what we just talked about. They’re looking to criminalize that speech in the United States. This is terrifying to me.

Jason Hickel

00:29:07.495 – 00:32:24.535

Yeah, no, it is very disturbing to see.

And I mean, to me, this is evidence of the fact that, you know, they really recognize the Palestinian liberation struggle as, like, a fundamental threat to core US interests. It’s quite striking, actually, right? So. But in terms of the UN, yeah, I think a couple of things have broken over the past year.

The kind of assumption that our international institutions are functional and democratic? That illusion has been shattered, right?

I think that there’s a growing recognition among the majority world that these institutions are not really fit for purpose.

Like, what are you supposed to do when you have repeated votes in the UN General assembly with dramatic popular support, right? Consensuses that call for dramatic change when it comes to, say, removing the illegal settlements and ending the occupation, et cetera, et cetera . . . and this just results in nothing, right? Just empty.

And then, of course, you have the UN Security Council, where UN Security Council resolutions can be vetoed by the US – even if the rest of the Security Council wants to go ahead with it. So this is, clearly, too much power for a single country to have.

And I think that people recognize that we can’t be in a situation where we can see something as blatant and horrendous as genocide unfolding and not be able to stop it with our institutions.

Those institutions have to be reformed in such a way that, if this occurs again, there can be an immediate intervention. And that’s just going to have to happen. There has to be a reckoning on this,

otherwise international law is meaningless. Which, I think, has been another illusion that’s been shattered. The idea that we’re governed by international law, but clearly, if you’re the US and Israel – then you can violate it with impunity. This is, clearly, not acceptable.

So I think that it’s very evident that, going forward, some major change is going to have to happen. I think this is clear for the majority world.

I don’t know what that looks like exactly. But I think that, at minimum, you’re going to have to see more power handed to the UN General assembly which has a proper democratic process.

And even in the UN Security Council, either there’s going to have to be removal of the veto power as it currently exists, or some other kind of democratization process that makes that institution more responsive and democratic. I think that’s just the reality. Like, we can’t function under this arrangement anymore.

In terms of the US, it’s very dismal because you can see that it seems that in official political spaces there’s no room for any real substantive debate on the question of Israel and Palestine. However, I think on the street there is. This is interesting. And, of course, there’s a massive backlash against it. Attempts to suppress, et cetera, et cetera.

But I think that what’s interesting, and this is the third thing that’s broken in a way, right, is this illusion that Israel is a normal country and behaving in a normal way. I think there’s been a radical acceleration in people’s popular consciousness about the issue.

I mean, you can see on social media, you can see people, like as soon as the genocide began, you could see people learning in real time, right? Figuring out what’s going on. What is Gaza? How did it come to exist? What is Israel? How did it come to exist? What is the occupation? How did it come to exist?

And this has been, I think, really powerful and ultimately changes the game in some crucial respects. It means that going forward, the sense of impunity that Israel has, I think, will eventually be eroded.

I think that Israel, in this sense, is kind of on its last legs. Because one of its strongest points was that it could fall back on the ignorance of the world, right? On the ignorance, particularly of Americans. And I think that’s not actually really possible in the same way anymore.

I think that something has changed, especially with the younger generation. So, I don’t know what that means in the near term, but in the long term, I think that Israel’s days are numbered.

Like some dramatic shift is going to have to occur. You can’t commit genocide in the eyes of the world like this and then expect to, kind of, go back to the statu quo ante.

Something is going to change now.

And I think in this respect, from the perspective of Zionists, they’ve really shot themselves in the foot because their biggest smokescreen is now gone, is the reality.

Steve Grumbine

00:32:24.655 – 00:34:17.325

I think the most troubling thing about this is that what we just talked about had absolutely nothing to do with Jews. It had absolutely nothing to do with Judaism. It had nothing to do with hating Jews.

It had nothing to do with anything antisemitic in any way, shape, or form.

And yet, the weaponization of that term, antisemitism, would possibly take the things we’ve just said as antisemitic. Which is tragic because people don’t understand. And to your point, I’m really grateful that the younger generation has been focused on TikTok, has been watching this and realizing: Oh, my goodness.

Because I knew when I was growing up everything you said: Yeah, Israel is a nice place. They’re good people. Oh, it’s perfectly natural. We’ve got to defend Israel because . . . that just was the narrative. And that narrative is crumbling before our eyes.

I know for me, I’m 55, and, you know, I spent most of my life believing otherwise. So this is, in fact, very, very amazing to see the awakening, not only in myself, but in many. I just am very concerned about the lack of agency.

Let me flip to some of the tactics. I mean, obviously, the US through NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization] has been the big bullies on the big stage.

They have used their power, if you will, to make other countries bend a knee. And in the case of Israel, it’s never been more clear that the long arm of the US empire is guiding this.

What kind of resistance is occurring around the world that you see effective in fighting back against this kind of NATO strategy? I mean, I see a lot groups working towards the BRICS. I believe it’s premature to celebrate that at this time.

And there’s still a lot of things that could be wrong, and there’s still a lot of things that have to happen for that to have any kind of teeth to it. But I’m curious as to what your thoughts are on both NATO and the BRICS and how they relate to one another.

Jason Hickel

00:34:17.865 – 00:38:22.997

Yeah. Oh, yeah, let’s talk about that. But first, I want to pick up on a couple things you said earlier. One was the distinction between Judaism and Zionism.

I think this is so important. And look, I think this is one of the things that’s crumbled, actually, in terms of the public discourse, recently.

There was a time when any criticism of Israel would have been considered antisemitic. And I think now people can very clearly see that that’s not the case.

You can be legitimately critical of Israel as a Zionist settler-colonial projects. People understand that now. And they understand that this is, fundamentally, separate from Judaism.

Judaism is an ancient and very beautiful religion that can be celebrated while also condemning Zionist project. And in fact, many of the most vocal opponents of Zionism are prominent Jewish people.

I mean, there’s several major Jewish organizations in the US that have been the first to call this a genocide. They’ve been very vocal in the defense of Palestinian liberation and their condemnation of the Zionist regime.

In fact, they’ve really opened up space, actually, for this to occur. So I think this easy discourse that any criticism of Israel is antisemitic – this has fallen apart. And that’s a major shift that has occurred.

That’s good. It creates room for a conversation to emerge. So that’s one thing. And I guess, in terms of other false discourses, right,

like the claim that Israel has the most moral army in the world. I mean, this has just clearly been revealed as an absolutely extraordinary lie.

The idea that Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East, this is also crumbled, right? This is really, I mean, to me, leaving aside the fact that Israel is increasingly outing itself as, effectively, a fascist regime internally, right?

But I think it’s really important that people have now learned that Israel is fundamentally an apartheid state. It exercises total control over the West Bank and Gaza. Those territories have zero sovereignty.

The 5 million people living in those territories do not have a right to vote over the government that determines, virtually, everything about their lives. Their basic human rights under international law are unenforced and regularly violated by the Israeli regime.

On top of that, there’s another 6 million Palestinians who’ve been forcibly expelled from Palestine, who exist as stateless refugees with no rights within the territory whatsoever, right?

So, yeah, effectively 11 million people who are excluded from voting, excluded from rights within the territory over the entity that exercises sovereignty over the territory. There’s just no way in the world you can consider this to be democratic, right? It’s, in fact, one of the most anti-democratic countries in the world.

And I think it’s important to recognize the fact that Israel was founded in 1948, right? It was the very same year that the apartheid regime was established in South Africa.

And it consciously followed the apartheid playbook – literally, chapter and verse. Like, in South Africa, one of their key strategies was to forcibly remove the majority of the African population and dump them into tiny chunks of territory called bantustans, right?

And this, basically, allowed the white population to deny rights to most of the black population by claiming they, basically, had their own countries, right? But, of course, the countries were fake. They had no economic sovereignty, they had no independent militaries, et cetera, et cetera.

The apartheid regime controlled their borders and their trade and blah, blah. Israel did the exact same thing with Gaza and the West Bank, right?

So it’s, literally, the grand apartheid strategy that the South African regime implemented, and they did it consciously. And I think also, the idea that the US and Israel support democracy in the Middle East is, also, absurd, right?

And this is something that Sameer Amin himself pointed out in 2004, right? He said that the US and Israel, very clearly, actively reject genuine democracies in the region because they know that democratic Arab countries would be pro-Palestinian liberation, right?

Like the people of Jordan, the people of Lebanon, the people of Iraq, the people of Syria. These people, overwhelmingly, are supportive of Palestinian liberation. And if there was democracy in these regions, then that’s what they would be calling for and agitating for, right? The US can’t handle that.

So in the case of Jordan and Egypt, for example, they’ve effectively installed these, kind of, proxy clients. These kinds of regimes that bend the knee to the US, right, and prevent their populations from rising up against the genocide and the occupation, and so on. So, yeah, I think in all sorts of ways these ideologies have crumbled before us. And I think that’s quite interesting to see.

This is why I think that something is going to change. I don’t know how it’ll play out, but that seems to be the case. Now, in terms of the question you asked, I got a bit sidetracked. I’m sorry.

Steve Grumbine

00:38:23.101 – 00:38:24.501

It was great, though.

Jason Hickel

00:38:24.693 – 00:38:28.085

You also asked about BRICS, or about, kind of, resistance in NATO, et cetera, yeah.

Steve Grumbine

00:38:28.125 – 00:38:31.253

NATO and BRICS.

Jason Hickel

00:38:31.269 – 00:41:27.375

Yeah, I think it’s interesting because while all this has been going on, BRICS had a conference in Russia just a couple of weeks ago; recently.

And it’s interesting because I’ve been watching BRICS for a long time and I’ve always felt like there’s some potential there, but I’m not really seeing a lot of movements. I think that’s beginning to change. Like what happened in this last meeting.

There were several decisions that were taken that, I think, are actually, quite potentially, transformative. So one is that they added a bunch of new members. They also established a partner country system.

And so this allows a lot of countries that are not actually, formally, a part of BRICS, like formerly members, to, kind of, join the BRICS bloc, as it were, right? So, and this opens the door to a lot of Global South countries.

And then what they did is that for this broader partner country system, they established a BRICS clearing system.

Now, this may sound boring to some listeners, but it’s crucially important. Because what this clearing system means is that international trade between countries within this bloc can now be settled, or I guess if this goes through, be able to be settled in national currencies. Which means that you can have trade within the BRICS bloc without people needing to obtain the dollar or the euro, right? Without needing to obtain imperial currencies.

And this means that it frees them to have much less reliance on debts from Western creditors which come with structural adjustment conditions and limit economic sovereignty. It means they are not under pressure to obtain those currencies by exporting a bunch of their stuff on unequal terms.

And so it means they’re less exposed to unequal exchange and drained through unequal exchange. It builds up the possibility of South-South solidarities on beneficial terms, right? I think this is an incredible development.

And then the final piece of it is they, also, established a BRICS trade insurance system. Which is important because, in order to have international trade, you have to have an insurance system. And right now, like, the Western insurance companies are the only game in town.

So this, basically, allows you to have trade outside of Western control, which is governed entirely by Global South countries. This is extraordinary. So I mean, again, who knows how this is going to play out?

Of course, within the BRICS bloc there’s a wide range of different kinds of political systems. There’s, like, some very progressive ones and some, you know, decidedly less progressive ones, like [India’s Narendra] Modi’s India as part of this, et cetera, et cetera.

But it’s very clear that there is a general consensus around the fact that the existing institutions of the world economic system are not serving us. It’s time for us to establish our own alternatives.

I think this is part and parcel of everything we’ve been seeing more broadly over this past year, as the global majority looks in disgust at what the West is doing. Like, the mask has fully slipped.

The idea that the West is a champion of human rights and international law and the rules-based order, et cetera, et cetera – all of that clearly collapsed. And I think there’s a real recognition of, why would we submit our futures and our fortunes to this decrepit system?

We’re going to establish something more inclusive, more democratic. And I think that’s what they’re building now. Again, it can go in various directions.

This is no guarantee that it will go in the direction that we might want to see. But something is shifting, and I think that’s quite powerful to see.

Steve Grumbine

00:41:27.675 – 00:43:46.885

This is a bit of a sidebar, but you going on all the way to Vietnam – Ho Chi Minh had a real, kind of, like, love fest for the US. He really saw stars in his eyes.

And when he realized what a sham it was, and what disgusting place . . . the disgusting, you know, geopolitical angles that the US took . . . You know, it’s almost sad to think of him hero-worshiping the US and then, simultaneously, having his hopes and dreams smashed. I’m sure he’s not the first and only revolutionary to look at the US and go, wow, there they are. You know, look at, look at this.

But how many people’s illusions of the shining light on the hill, and let liberty ring – how many people are just, literally, losing their minds as they realize – pretty much everything they thought, was a lie? That’s the stuff that causes me to lose sleep, is because, you know? Look, I’m a human being, I’m propagandized. I . . . there’s a lot of things I still got to learn. I’m nowhere near a finished product and I don’t think I ever will be.

But I, literally, every time I learn something new about how bad it is, it’s a gut punch. It’s just trying to crawl up out of bed, even. Because, what do you do?

And I think the big thing that I’m watching right now – You know, I go back to the first State of the Union with Biden, and I was appalled to hear him isolating China; to attack China. Starting to call them, like, the enemy. And then the continued Russophobia. The Red scare kind of stuff coming back, again. Demonizing Russia. Now, Russia’s no saint here. Let me not paint them out to be a saint.

But this whole concept of US hegemony having to demonize these folks so that they have distant forward ability to attack. Because they’ve been priming the pump, getting the American people ready, getting them thinking of these people as enemies. I mean, Iran has been a – largely – a saint here.

The restraint that they’ve had for not just going ballistic like Israel has gone . . . it’s just . . . You know, you read the newspaper and it’s like, what am I reading here? It’s not real. Nothing I’m reading is real.

The press. You see all these folks being killed. People that you one day are reading their tweets, and the next day you find out they’ve been slaughtered. They were buried in a pile of rubble.

Jason Hickel

00:43:47.005 – 00:43:48.265

Oh, it’s devastating.

Steve Grumbine

00:43:49.045 – 00:43:50.945

Talk about the press a little bit.

Jason Hickel

00:43:51.245 – 00:45:37.697

Yeah. I mean. I mean, look, to me, it’s wild how it’s, it’s just so clear that that Israeli forces have intentionally targeted Palestinian journalists.

This was very clear from the beginning of the genocide that they were doing this, right? Look, I think we have to be clear about what’s going on here, right?

If you want to be able to conduct a genocide in an era of mass media, like one of them tried to eliminate . . . like tried to eliminate journalists. They debarred Western journalists from independently accessing Gaza. I mean, think wild, right?

And so . . . and so it’s only down to Palestinian journalists who were able to tell stories from there. And then they systematically went after Palestinian journalists. I think we have to understand that what we know about what has happened there is only a fraction of what actually has happened.

And we could have known a lot more had we actually had a proper journalistic presence there. The other thing that is very clear is they went after hospitals.

And of course, to justify it was, oh, these are Hamas command and control centers, et cetera, et cetera. That all turned out to be lies. But why would they do this?

You know, by dismantling health systems and also, by the way, in the process, also, of effectively starving a population and moving them around from place to place over and over again – people are malnourished – massively, their immune systems are massively weakened. They’re getting diseases they would otherwise not have got. And now there’s no health system to treat them.

And what that means is that you’re going to see death rates – mortality rates – increasing from conditions that otherwise would have been preventable or treatable, right? This is very clearly calculated.

Like, look, if you’re in a situation where the US is only effectively allowing you to massacre a few hundred people a day, then it would create media outrage, right? And so, if you want to conduct a genocide, then you’re going to have to find alternative methods for doing that.

And I think that dismantling health care system is very obviously one of those, because you know, this is going to result in excess deaths. We don’t know what the final excess death figure is going to look like. But if you ask me, and if you look at existing medical reports, it’s going to be over 100, over 200,000 people.

Steve Grumbine

00:45:37.881 – 00:45:53.571

The erasure of the people themselves, I mean the birth records, all the health records, all the records of their existence has been blown to bits. I mean, this is a systematic erasure of them. This isn’t just slaughter, it’s as if they never existed.

Jason Hickel

00:45:53.643 – 00:45:54.707

Yeah, correct. Yeah.

Steve Grumbine

00:45:54.811 – 00:46:01.135

And, and I think that is tragic. Tragic on a level that is just beyond my ability to think through.

Jason Hickel

00:46:01.875 – 00:48:38.239

Yeah. But, but again, I got distracted and, and you’re asking about the discourse on China, etc. Look, I think this is exactly part . . . the discourse on China, etc. Look, I think this is exactly part of the same thing that we’ve been discussing here, right? Like, and it’s wild.

The US is gearing up now to massively demonize China because they want to build up a consensus for a war against China at some point, right? This is striking because, I mean, this only really started emerging about 10 years ago. About 10 years ago.

Like, up until recently then, the US was all about China because China is manufacturing a tremendous amount of cheap goods that are, basically, propping up the US economy and enabling, like, huge amounts of growth and consumption in the US as a result, right? So what’s happening now is that China is now in the condition of having increasing wages.

Like, they’re achieving sovereign development. Their wages are going up. They’re producing and consuming more for themselves. What does this mean? It means that their resources and their labor are now less cheaply available for appropriation by capital in the Core.

And what does capital want to do in response? It wants to do what it always wants to do. It wants to suppress those prices back again. It wants to crush wages. It wants to crush resource prices.

It wants to resubordinate industrial capacity in China to the imperative of accumulation in the Core. This is the very reason that it has also supported Israel’s actions in the Middle East.

It’s the very reason that it also sought to destabilize Iraq and Libya, et cetera, et cetera. It’s the same story over and over again.

I mean, just incredible amounts of violence on a world scale and getting the population to buy into the idea that all of this is somehow justified.

It’s just amazing to me how US citizens can be so quickly convinced to hate people who are some of the poorest people on the planet, on the other side of the world. They often don’t even know where these countries actually are, right? I mean, to hate people who pose zero threat to them.

China has one foreign military base in the world, in Djibouti, right? China has not engaged in cross border military action for over 40 years.

The US has hundreds of military bases around the world; is constantly engaged in cross border military action, right? China does not pose a threat to the United States. It has no intention of posing such a threat. It shows no signs of posing such a threat.

The only thing that is at all a threat is that China is developing itself and, therefore, cutting off access for profitability to US firms.

And so I think that, ultimately, we have to face up to the fact here, which is that if we want to put an end to this extreme wild pattern of imperialist violence, then we need to achieve a post capitalist transformation in the Core economies, right? So what does that mean for political organizing in the West? It, certainly, means that we cannot put our faith in the Democratic Party.

Steve Grumbine

00:48:38.327 – 00:48:38.863

Amen.

Jason Hickel

00:48:38.959 – 00:49:45.109

We have to understand that that is a complete dead end.

And I think what needs to be done is, we have to build an alternative political machine that can build up grassroots power and alliances sufficient to win elections and establish a post-capitalist order. That’s the future we have to take. Because, crucially, a regular economy does not require imperialism.

A regular economy can function – can provide for its citizens – can organize production around human needs and well-being and achieving ecological objectives, et cetera, et cetera. A capitalist economy is what requires an imperialist arrangement.

A capitalist economy requires constant imperialist wars because it has to constantly suppress prices and wages and reorganize production in the Global South around accumulation in the Core. That is, ultimately, the system that we have to overcome.

And I think that the clarifying moment about all of this – what’s happening in Gaza, the discourse around Iran and China – is that if we want this nightmare to end, if we want to stop, like, living in this extremely dark period, then we have to overcome the ultimate problem which is the imperatives of capital accumulation in the world system. And that’s what we have to set our sights on.

Steve Grumbine

00:49:45.277 – 00:50:00.345

Amen. Jason, you’ve been wonderful today. I want to give you a chance to put a bow on this.

If you had one thing that we didn’t cover that we should have covered, or one point you want to leave the audience with as we close out – take the floor. What would it be?

Jason Hickel

00:50:00.925 – 00:50:39.353

Oh, gosh, I’m not sure if I have anything in mind, immediately. But let me say this:

I think that if listeners are interested in pursuing some of these ideas more, then the person that I think is the best go-to resource is a guy called Ali Kadri. He is a scholar from the Middle East region. He wrote a brilliant book called Arab Development Denied, which links all of these issues together.

I would also recommend the book Capital and Imperialism by two Indian economists, Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik. It’s, also, brilliant.

It’s a little bit technical to read, but if you have any training in economic history or economics or a general interest in, kind of, world affairs, it’s an extremely important and powerful read.

Steve Grumbine

00:50:39.489 – 00:51:55.185

Thank you very much. I’m going to have to chase after them and see if I can get them out here.

All right. Well, with that, Jason, thank you, once again, for always being generous with your time. Thank you for being bold in this space here because a lot of people are silent and I’m not going to lie, I judge them for their silence.

I can’t help it. I just want everybody to be loud and proud and get this thing done. I appreciate you taking risks.

I know it’s a risk to be a vocal critic of this scenario. With that, folks, my name is Steve Grumbine. I am the host of Macro N Cheese. We are a 501c3 nonprofit. Our work continues with your donations.

We appreciate anything you can give us. With that, I want to thank my guest Jason Hickel and, on my own part, remind you all that we love you.

This is all about learning. All together solidarity. And on that, Macro N Cheese. We are out of here.

Production transcripts, graphics, sound engineering, extras and show notes from Macro N Cheese are done by our volunteer team at Real Progressives serving in solidarity with the working class since 2015. To become a donor, please go to patreon.com.

Books:

Kadri, Ali, Arab Development Denied

Patnaik, Utsa, and Patnaik, Prabhat, Capital and Imperialism

oooooo

We Basques do need a real Basque independent State in the Western Pyrenees, just a democratic lay or secular state, with all the formal characteristics of any independent State: Central Bank, Treasury, proper currency, out of the European Distopia and faraway from NAT0, maybe being a BRICS partner…

Gogoratu ondoko hauek:

Estatua eskatuz (Reclaiming the State)

MTM (Moneta-Teoria Modernoa), behin eta berriz

Hona hemen gehigarri adierazgarri batzuk:

Eurozone Dystopia

Bill Mitchell: EB gainbehera terminalean dago

Neoliberala al zara?

Aspaldi honetan, NATO dela kausa, “Europar Distopia versus Europa (EFTA, kasu)” delakoaren ordez, hauxe proposatzen dut: BRICS delakoan sartzea, EFTA-tik BRICS-era

Independentzia! Besterik ez!

INDEPENDENTZIA!

Euskal Herria: independentzia (2024)

Poiesisa, poesia, sormena: Independentzia

Gehigarri orokorra:

ooooooo

MMT: Modern Monetary Theory

Understanding how money works so that we can address climate change easily and prosperously plus address AI’s impact on humanity.

Members: https://x.com/i/communities/1672597800385921024/members

(…)

 

 

 

 

 

@tobararbulu # mmt

@tobararbulu

oooooo

Ikus The Double Objective of Democratic Ecosocialism with Jason Hickel (https://macroncheese.captivate.fm/episode/the-double-objective-of-democratic-ecosocialism-with-jason-hickel)

Transkripzioa:

The Double Objective of Democratic Ecosocialism with Jason Hickel
August 5, 2023

[00:00:00] Jason Hickel [Intro/Music]: The challenge that we face today is not only to reorganize production in order to meet human needs and achieve what Kropotkin called wellbeing for all, which is the goal, but also to scale down less necessary forms of production in order to reduce excess energy and material use directly so as to bring our economy back in the balance of a living world and achieve rapid decarbonization.

Access to universal services has an extremely rapid and strong impact on human wellbeing. It’s the most efficient way to convert resources and production into social outcomes.

[00:01:30] Geoff Ginter [Intro/Music]: Now, let’s see if we can avoid the apocalypse altogether. Here’s another episode of Macro N Cheese with your host, Steve Grumbine.

[00:01:43] Steve Grumbine: All right. This is Steve with Macro N Cheese. Today’s guest is none other than Jason Hickel. He’s a professor at the Institute for Environmental Science and Technology and the Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He’s the author of The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and Its Solutions and Less Is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World.

Jason has also been a guest on this program two other times. Both episodes are really worth your time. Check ’em out in the future. Jason, thank you so much for joining me today, sir.

[00:02:20] Jason Hickel: My pleasure. Yeah, it’s good to be with you.

[00:02:22] Grumbine: The plumbing of Modern Monetary Theory, while extremely liberating and exciting and exposing us to the possibilities, the thing that I want to really focus on beyond that is the overlay, the political and class analysis. The understanding of societal needs that make MMT matter. I don’t care if somebody’s stock portfolio goes up, I don’t even wanna hear about it. I want to know how we can make people whole. And to me, that’s the only value I found in MMT, was that it gave me a pathway to making my family whole and seeing the future through a series of possibilities for all.

And you capture this stuff better than anyone that I’ve ever read, in terms of all that I just laid out. In fact, the most recent thing you sent to me, the Double Objective of Democratic Ecosocialism, in my mind puts together the best of MMT, gives us a class analysis and explaining the modes of production that would allow us to make the planet produce the kind of conditions that humanity requires, and civilization as a whole requires. Can you tell me a little bit about what ecosocialism is, and more to the point after that, let’s touch on that Double Objective of Democratic Ecosocialism.

[00:03:52] Hickel: Okay. This is a piece that I wrote that is going to come out in Monthly Review in September. For people who are interested in what we’re about to talk about, I would urge them to read it there in a couple of weeks, where there’ll be more detail and maybe easier to engage.

So in general, I think that it’s critical just to begin by recognizing the fact that we face a double crisis right now. It’s not just an ecological crisis, although that is of course, extreme and very worrying and something we have to focus on urgently. There’s also a very obvious social crisis, which I think people pay a little bit less attention to, because we’ve become so accustomed to it perpetuating itself in our society.

So we know that across the world there are several billion people who are deprived of access to basic goods and services. Deprivation is most extreme in the periphery, but even in the core countries, in Western Europe and the United States, et cetera, a huge share of the population cannot afford decent healthcare, or live in actual poverty or face economic insecurity or cannot afford nutritious food, et cetera, et cetera. And so I think we have to recognize that this double problem, an ecological crisis and a social crisis, are being caused ultimately by the same underlying issue, which is basically the structure of the capitalist system of production.

This is where our analysis has to ultimately lead, and the underlying pathology is basically that capitalism is fundamentally not democratic. And this is actually really important, I wanna emphasize this. When people hear the word capitalism, they quite often think of things like markets and trade and businesses. And these sound, of course, so innocent and almost natural.

How could you ever be against such things? And that’s fine because in fact, capitalism is not those things. Markets and trade and businesses existed over thousands of years before capitalism, and they’re innocent enough on their own. We don’t have to worry about that. We have to be clear about what the defining feature of capitalism is and confront that.

And that feature is the fact that it is fundamentally anti-democratic. And yes, let’s be clear, many of us live in electoral political systems like in the USA and where I’m at in the UK and elsewhere. We know that these are corrupt and captured by elite interests. So we know the democracy is flawed. But more importantly, when it comes to the system of production, which all of us are engaged in every day, on which our livelihoods and our existence depends, not even the shallowest illusion of democracy is allowed to enter.

And the reason is effectively, it’s a system where production is controlled overwhelmingly by capital. By the large corporations, by major financial firms, by the 1% who own the majority of investible assets, et cetera, et cetera. Capital wields the power to mobilize our collective labor and our planet’s collective resources for whatever it wants to do. It determines what we produce, under what conditions, how the benefits are distributed, and so on.

And for capital, the primary purpose of production, the primary purpose of mobilizing all of that labor and all that capacity, is not to meet specific human needs, to ensure everyone has houses and food and decent lives, et cetera. It is not to achieve any specific social or ecological objectives, it is not to achieve progress or innovation. It is overwhelmingly to achieve and maximize the accumulation of profit.

And so what that ends up doing is it leaves us with a system that is focused on perverse forms of production. Capital directs finance to highly profitable outputs like SUVs and industrial meat and fast fashion and weapons and fossil fuels. But leaves critical shortages of absolutely necessary goods and services, public transit, renewable energy, public healthcare, nutritious food, things that we actually all need for our lives are in many cases woefully under produced or commodified and out of reach for a lot of people.

And so this is ultimately the issue. It’s not that we need a lot of additional aggregate production to solve social and ecological problems. We don’t. The problem is that our production system is geared in the wrong direction. And if we had more democratic control at the level of the state, at the level of firms, at the level of finance, over what we are producing as a society and who benefits from those things, then we’d be able to solve these problems very easily.

And that’s basically the argument of democratic ecosocialism. If you democratize the economy, and all of us believe that democracy is an important value, if we extend the principle of democracy into the realm of production, into the realm of the economy, then we can address these problems, fast. We do not need to worry about accelerating climate breakdown. We do not need to worry about perpetual mass deprivation. We can deal with these extremely quickly and easily with a reorientation of the productive system. That’s kind of the bottom line.

[00:08:46] Grumbine: You really spoke well to that, and your mention of Peter Kropotkin, I really want to touch on that. Kropotkin is of the anarchist side of the socialist side. The Conquest of Bread is something most of us on the left have read, it’s a very important book. But you brought this out specifically because, basically it describes today. This is 130 years ago and it’s describing the conditions today.

Can you address your view of Kropotkin’s words in this particular framework?

[00:09:20] Hickel: Yeah, it’s interesting because I read Kropotkin recently for the second time after ignoring it for years. And I kind of read it with new eyes because I’ve been influenced by Modern Monetary Theory. And I read and I was like, wow, the insights that he is articulating are so close to some of the insights that we are articulating today and addressing some of the same problems. One of the things that he noticed, when he was observing society 130 years ago, as you point out, was that even despite the fact that Europe at that time had unprecedented high levels of production, low by today’s standards, but still high by the centers of any historical period, most of the population, even in Europe nonetheless lived in misery, and he was asking, why is this? And his answer was simply that, it’s because under capitalism, production is mobilized around whatever gives the greatest profits to monopolists, this is what he wrote.

He points it out, look, if a few rich men effectively manipulate the economic activities of the nation, producing what they want and what makes them happy, and what enriches their lives, but nothing to do with what the masses actually require for survival. And so as a result, you have all of this labor and all these factories and all of this incredibly rich, fertile land organized around facilitating capital accumulation, when it could be organized differently to meet human needs and achieve social progress. So it’s interesting because he’s basically pointing to the fact that whoever controls finance, whoever controls finance, controls production, and determines what we produce.

And this is an insight that we actually get from MMT. Which is that the government, a democratic body, could just as easily issue currency, thereby controlling money for public good, to invest in things that we know are necessary for ecological and social goals. And this is effectively exactly what Kropotkin is saying. That if we are able to bring finance and production under democratic control, we can organize it to meet human needs with existing capacity. And that’s a very profound insight, I think. Now, of course, what Kropotkin did not recognize was that 130 years hence, we would be facing, not just mass deprivation as a result of the perverse orientation of the productive system, but also devastating ecological crisis.

And so, the challenge that we face today is not only to reorganize production in order to meet human needs and achieve what Kropotkin called ‘well-being for all’, which is the goal. But also to scale down less necessary forms of production in order to reduce excess energy and material use directly, so as to bring our economy back into balance with the living world and achieve rapid decarbonization.

And this is where the double objective of ecosocialism becomes clear. We have to build on what the socialists of the 19th century were saying, and point out that we now have these two objectives, well being for all, but also ecological stability. And our version of how the economy should operate and the principles according which it should operate, have to take that double objective into account.

[00:12:16] Grumbine: One of the things that’s very challenging, probably for most people listening to this podcast that haven’t been around government procurement, is the way governments set markets and the way they seed money projects. That money is a public utility, it’s freely created by the government. They don’t pay that money directly to people, they pay that to the business, and the business decides how to distribute it through society. There’s a very unelected, non-democratic means of distribution, just starting with that very first dollar spent by the government. And as a result of that, the closest thing we’ve got is our government telling them this is something we want done, and you bid on it, so this is what you must do.

Our governments are not providing for real goods and services for regular people. They’re not producing the means by which we can bring about equality. In fact, the government in the United States is content with allowing us to predate on the Global South, using them as our production farm, while stripping away labor in the United States.

Michael Hudson told me it’s impossible to bring production back to the US as long as there’s a class war going on. It’s a complete contradiction to say, yes, we’re gonna bring production back to the US while waging a class war against labor. I’m curious as to what your thoughts are on that.

[00:13:42] Hickel: I think the internationalist dimension is really vital here. It’s clear that the way that capital in the core operates, is not only by exploiting the domestic working class, but also by super-exploiting the working classes and the peasantries of the Global South. And the very high levels of material and energy consumption that are enjoyed by, particularly, capital in the core, are sustained by this massive net appropriation of materials and energy and productive capacity from the Global South. And if that’s not part of the equation for us, I think we’re clearly missing the point.

Now to some extent, that kind of imperialist appropriation from the Global South has been used to assuage class tensions in the core by saying, look, capital has denied the basic demands of the labor movement of the 20th century, which were basically much more radical than anything we have today.

They wanted universal public services, they wanted job guarantees, they wanted more democratic control over production. All that was effectively denied. A little bit of public services were given in the social democracies of Western Europe and so on. The US has a little bit as well.

But the main principles that they were after, and this was informed by the socialist movement that gave rise to the labor movement — dignity, and freedom, and democracy and autonomy. Like, these principles were denied them, and instead what they were sold was a very shallow dream, a dream of cheap consumer items made cheap because of the super-exploitation of Global South workers. So it’s this real unfortunate bargain and a very violent bargain, let’s also say, that allows some of the class tensions in the core to be resolved this way.

And I think it’s crucial that we, as members of labor movements or other progressive forces in the core, look past that and find ways to recover the more radical demands that the labor movements of the 20th century had. Including by the way, solidarity with the working classes and the peasantries of the Global South. And that has been almost completely obliterated from the platform of the unions and the progressive parties in the core today.

And it urgently needs to be restored, especially now in the era of climate breakdown. It’s very clear that all of our futures are bound together and no one is free, until we have a just and ecological world for all.

[00:16:00] Grumbine: Yeah, you followed up in your writing about Kropotkin’s argument, and you touched on it previously, but I wanna tie this back. We can ensure decent lives for everyone on the planet. And the concept of producing what you said these movements were for — a job guarantee, universal basic services, so many different aspects of life that would make the precarity go away for the average human being.

And yet, going back a little bit to what I was saying with the way the government procures. Its focus is not on producing universal basic services. It’s on producing markets for those capitalists to maximize profit. It’s working antithetically to that because it depends on precarity of the working class, living in the worst of conditions.

So they’re willing to do whatever is pushed onto them. In this case, it feels strange that we have anyone that understands how economics works, that would celebrate or support a system that allows for that.

Taking it to the next step, you had also put a tweet out, I wanna blend three things ’cause I think they’re all tied tightly together. You’d said something about the problem with universal basic services is that they shouldn’t be basic, they should be exceptional. And I walked in, a few years back, to the unemployment office, and every chair in there had tape on it, the clock was sideways, the windows had tape on them like they’d been broken out, and I think it was intentional to make you feel worthless as you sat there.

These are propaganda. These are ways of framing the expectations of society. And I think that if we think about universal basic services as being the crown jewel, and making that the focus of how we get past these ecological problems by bringing together the forces of democratic socialism and populist movements and the people themselves, and making sure that they’re whole.

I think that’s key. I think you really nailed that. Can you take that further?

[00:18:10] Hickel: I think there’s something really important in what you’ve said here about the precarity that plagues a society. It’s interesting because the dominant discourse out there, this precarity, is almost like a natural phenomenon, as though it’s always been with us. As if human beings are just naturally in this condition of constant possible deprivation and immiseration, and only more capitalist growth will ever manage to solve this. And it’s a complete lie.

In fact, the precarity is intentionally produced and reproduced every day. Because it could be very easily solved. Again, we have far more than what is necessary in terms of aggregate capacity, to ensure decent lives for everybody on the planet. To say nothing of the fact that we could very easily, within the core, because of the extremely high excess levels of productive activity that occurs there.

So it’s artificially produced and it’s produced for a reason, which is basically to ensure that you have a constant flow of cheap labor for private firms to maintain capital accumulation. Because you’d rather have some unemployment, you have to have misery. You can’t have people having easy access to universal public services, ’cause they might walk away from your exploitative jobs or whatever it might be.

As long as you keep them in conditions where they need to double down, to compete with one another and work under whatever conditions you give them, you’ll be able to maintain this cheap labor force for accumulation. Which is necessary for capitalism, because remember, capitalism is a form of production that requires and depends on perpetually increasing accumulation. And to do that, you have to cheapen labor. And the key mechanism for cheapening labor is to maintain artificial scarcity of employment, and also of access to essential goods.

That’s it. It’s artificial, it can be abolished immediately. And to the extent that public services are given, as you point out, they’re quite often just absolutely miserable, and that too is intentional. There’s literally no reason that public transit in the US has to be such a dismal affair. When you know that other countries, with a fraction of the per capita income of the USA, can provide really high quality public transit. It’s not difficult to do, it’s just that the state is not willing to make those investments, and it requires state investment. Instead, capital goes towards things that are more profitable.

I mean, think about it. If investment is focused around what is profitable, you will never get investment in affordable housing, or in public transit, or in other essential goods that just are, by definition, not profitable. And somehow we’ve all been brainwashed into thinking the only form of production that is even worth doing is that which is profitable, which is a complete lie, because literally every day governments can and regularly do undertake production with no thought to profit whatsoever.

That is an ability that any producer has, particularly governments. And yet they routinely don’t, because they have accepted constraints, artificial constraints, on their ability to control finance and investment.

[00:21:12] Grumbine: So one of the things that we wanted to make sure we addressed is an ecosocialist manifesto, which we’ve been talking through. You asked, what would such an economy look like? And you laid out several objectives. Can you take us through those?

[00:21:26] Hickel: Yeah. So for me, there’s a couple of key things that we should be arguing for, and mobilizing for and thinking about. So I guess there’s mostly four here. I suppose the first one is clearly universal public services. And this is important for all sorts of reasons, and we could go on forever about this actually. Universal Public Services.

We know that access to universal services has an extremely rapid and strong impact on human wellbeing. It is the most efficient way to convert resources and production into social outcomes. So that’s critically important. We also know that it reduces growth imperatives because when you have access to universal public services, you don’t have this constant imperative to increase private production in order to ensure that people have access to the money that they require in order to access basic goods, which is at the core of so much of the instability in our economy right now.

It allows for a post-growth transition. It liberates our society from growth imperatives. But it also really crucially just mobilizes our productive capacity around what we know is essential for human wellbeing. And this is really core because that’s not happening under capitalist production. And so universal living services is essential to doing that, just reorganizing, remobilizing productive capacity in that direction.

The second key thing for me is a public work program that can immediately address some of the very urgent tasks that we have before us, both social and ecological. It could be geared towards mobilizing production around universal public services, so mobilizing labor for that purpose. But could also be organized and should be organized around core ecological goals, like building renewable energy capacity, by the way, something that capital is not doing much of, because it’s not as profitable as fossil fuels.

It’s waiting around for capital to decide that renewable energy is worth investing in. We should just invest in doing that ourselves, mobilize our labor and resources and capacity around doing that. Also insulating homes, retrofitting buildings with efficient appliances, producing efficient appliances, which are being under-produced right now.

Regenerating ecosystems. All of these are tasks that capital is not doing, again, because it’s not profitable to do, and yet they’re urgent on an existential level. We have to do them very quickly. We don’t have time to wait around for this to occur. So I think something like a Public Works program is essential for this.

And this is the third point I would say. As part of that, we should have a public job guarantee. And I don’t need to tell your listeners how important this can be, but I mean, this is essential to basically eliminating the artificial scarcity of unemployment. You deal with the perpetual insecurity of livelihoods through this option. It can also be very powerful for effectively setting the terms of employment across the private sector as well.

Whatever the job guarantee sets the wage level at, or other forms of working conditions, including working hours, workplace democracy, et cetera, private employers would be obliged to follow suit, otherwise they would lose staff to the job guarantee of the Public Works program. So it can be incredibly effective at doing that without requiring all of the additional legislation and political battles in order to achieve that objective.

So these are the three core ones, I think. And what’s powerful about these, I want to emphasize, is that it ends the political log jam that our societies presently suffer from, whereby it’s impossible for us to do any radical ecological or climate policy. Why? Because people are afraid of losing their jobs or of not having access to their livelihoods, because right now livelihoods are dependent on increasing production of capitalist enterprises.

And so, of course that’s a massive threat. And who should be willing to accept a situation where we’re doing ecological policy at the expense of working class livelihoods? That’s not acceptable. And of course, the unions themselves will never get on board with such policy either. If we want to deal with this log jam, then we need to deal with the question of livelihoods directly, and once and for all.

Universal public services, public job guarantee, abolish economic insecurity at its roots. Take the question of livelihoods off the table entirely, so it is never an issue again. And this is extremely feasible to achieve. It’s very simple to achieve, and this would allow us to have a rational conversation about real ecological and climate policy, including scaling down less necessary forms of production, which we know needs to be done in order to reduce energy and material use, to allow us to achieve sufficiently rapid decarbonization to meet our objectives under the Paris agreements.

So it’s critical. In some ways it deals with the Gordian knots, it cuts right through it, it would change our politics. It would open up the conversation, allow us to think more rationally about the economy. And then the final piece I would just add very briefly is the urgency of cutting the purchasing power of the rich.

And this also fits very neatly in with the MMT perspective, which is that if we are in a situation where we are increasing democratic capacity to organize production, then we’re gonna have to somehow also decrease capital’s capacity to organize production, and that can be done in various ways.

One of them is to scale down the purchasing power of the rich, so they have a lot less control over what we produce. But also to regulate private finance through credit regulation. But that’s a different story. But I think we have to accept the fact that in the middle of an ecological emergency, it does not make sense for us to continue devoting energy and resources to supporting and servicing the over-accumulating elite.

Effectively, climate change is a form of class war, that’s being overwhelmingly caused by the world’s richest, by capital, and that’s not acceptable, and none of us should be okay with it. And I think that clear policy on wealth taxes and maximum income ratios, et cetera, have to be on the table if we are to deal with that problem.

[00:27:28] Intermission: You are listening to Macro N Cheese, a podcast brought to you by Real Progressives, a nonprofit organization dedicated to teaching the masses about MMT or Modern Monetary Theory. Please help our efforts and become a monthly donor at PayPal or Patreon; like and follow our pages on Facebook and YouTube and follow us on TikTok, Twitter, Twitch, Rokfin, and Instagram.

[00:28:19] Grumbine: You brought up something also in this, that bears some discussion. Within a true Marxist-Leninist perspective, the concept of private property is a non-starter. But this is ecosocialism we’re talking about. And to be fair, even if the end goal was to eradicate all private means of production, we’re not there yet regardless.

So one of the things you brought up was that private firms should be democratized. And I understand the push for co-ops, and shared ownership and management of companies, I know there’s a lot of that goes on in Germany. From your perspective though, what do you get from democratizing the workplace? And I have some ideas, but I’m very interested in your perspective of how that would impact this larger mission.

[00:29:05] Hickel: Let’s talk about this. So first of all, I just wanna be clear to your listeners who may be new to these ideas, clearly what is going to be necessary for us to deal with social and ecological crises is obviously, to bring certain forms of production out of the markets and organize them publicly and democratically.

This is basically what universal public services and public works and the job guarantee programs do. Now, that does not mean that all of production must be organized that way. There’s no reason why we still can’t have private firms provisioning other things. So if we agree that say, healthcare and education and water and electricity, should all be managed democratically and publicly, we may still want private firms provisioning other things like say, beer and watches, or something like that, right? There’s no reason you can’t have private producers doing those things. Sometimes they’re very good at them, and that’s nice.

But the key is that we can have post-capitalist firms. We can even have post-capitalist markets because again, capitalism is not the same as markets, and post capitalist markets have existed in the past and can exist in the future. The key here, what makes them post capitalist, is simply that they would be democratic firms. Basically, firms where decisions about production and the distribution of surplus, are made democratically by workers or other key stakeholders. Maybe it’s even the community. Maybe you have like a community solar farm or something like that.

You see what I mean? People who are users of the good perhaps, or people who are affected by the production of the good could also be involved. There’s various different forms of firm democratization that we could talk about, that are relevant to different kinds of contexts. What’s really critical here is that we know empirically, that under conditions where production and resource use are controlled democratically, people gravitate overwhelmingly towards objectives that focus on what is necessary for human wellbeing and ecological stability.

And this is so fascinating to me because it runs exactly against the propaganda that we are fed about human nature. We are told, within capitalist society, (propaganda) that people are, by nature, selfish and individualistic and maximizing. And all of the pathologies that we have in our society are a result of that.

This is actually not true at all. The majority of people, under empirical conditions, will opt for the opposite, again, focusing production on what is required for human wellbeing, sharing yields fairly. People have very strong preferences for a fairer distribution of yields and ensuring ecological stability for future generations. Extraordinary, actually.

And so we can assume that under more democratic conditions of production in firms, people would organize the firms around those goals. For example, if you’re a democratic firm producing SUVs, and people are then informed that SUVs are, in fact, destroying our world, and are overwhelmingly only consumed by the elites anyways, are people going to democratically choose to continue producing these death traps? Or will they say, let’s actually reorganize our productive capacities around some other objective, some other products that we know that we need, which can easily be done. And I assume that’s probably what would happen.

And so you’d see a pretty dramatic change in objectives of production around the economy. Especially in the context of where people have access to universal public services. They could even choose to abandon the business entirely, if for whatever reason it was decided that that product was destructive or unnecessary, they could walk away from the business without any loss to their livelihood, because they’d be able to easily continue to access housing, healthcare, education, et cetera. And also be able to shift into the public job guarantee where they could reorganize labor around some other objective.

So that would always be an option for any business that decided to close or not reorganize production in some other way. And I think that’s incredibly liberating, it would allow us to have rational, democratically informed, scientifically informed shifts in how production is done and what we are producing, which would be revolutionary.

[00:33:11] Grumbine: I love it. So Jason, with the concept of degrowth being so polarizing, your discussion during that debate with green growth: I felt you won. However, the green growth speaks to people’s current paradigm. Help me understand how we can differentiate between the two, so people are not chasing things that just sound good, but things that actually produce something valuable.

[00:33:42] Hickel: Yeah, I suppose there’s a few layers to this. The first thing is to say that green growth discourses have been around for 50 years now. They’ve been this promise from our ruling classes that has been sold to us as basically saying, we can keep everything more or less the same and just make it green and solve the ecological crisis, and carry on as we are forever.

Of course it’s not true. And all the promises that capital accumulation and capitalist production would be magically and absolutely decoupled from ecological impacts, have not materialized. Now this is not to say that it’s not possible to achieve, by the way, a decoupling of GDP from emissions, and even from material use in some cases. But simply that there’s just no evidence that it can happen fast enough to achieve our ecological objectives.

And when it comes to climate change, this is particularly clear, because emissions, specifically in high income countries, must decline very, very quickly. Well beyond what efficiency improvements alone can achieve. There’s a very strong understanding of this in the scientific literature. And we have to be scientific, especially as socialists. Science is a core value for any self-respecting socialist, we can’t just be fantasists about this.

So the reality is that to achieve sufficiently rapid decarbonization, we have to reduce aggregate energy use in the high income countries, faster than what efficiency improvements alone allow. And that has to be done by scaling down less necessary forms of production. This is very specifically what degrowth means, and that’s SUVs, private jets, cruises, fast fashion, weapons, advertising, et cetera. There are parts of our economy that exist, more or less, only to service capital accumulation or elite consumption, have very little to do with human wellbeing. And in the middle of an ecological emergency, when we’re trying to rapidly decarbonize the economy, they have to be scaled down.

And I think that we have to be able to confront that reality, and have an honest conversation about what the economy is for and what’s important to us. And this is actually, by the way, something that Kropotkin himself was very clear about in his own writing, is that we have to be able to distinguish between what is urgently and socially necessary, and what are forms of production that are destructive and less necessary. Or exist only to titillate the rich. And we have to be able to think that way too.

So it’s really very simple what degrowth calls for. Basically like instead of assuming, as existing economics does, that all sectors in all industries must increase production every year, perpetually, forever… regardless of whether or not we actually need them to. Let us have a democratic discussion about what forms of production we actually do need to increase, again, things like universal public services, renewable energy and efficient appliances. And what sectors clearly need to be scaled down. And this is in some ways the ultimate Democratic act, which we are prevented from doing right now. And that’s a problem.

But here’s the other thing, I think that degrowth is actually a critically important analytical term. It’s indispensable in fact. Because without it, we’re stuck with just ridiculous terms like sustainable developments or green economy. All of which have been heavily appropriated by capital. Even BP and Shell use words like ‘sustainable development’ and ‘green economy’, I mean, gimme a break.

So we need some clarity, and degrowth provides that clarity and that’s essential. Analytically and scientifically, it’s indispensable. Now, that is not to say that it’s necessary for us to use as part of a mass political project, given the fact that a lot of people will be coming to it for the first time, and will be confused about it, sure. In the same way they’d be confused about anything, MMT for example. There’s an on-ramp into these concepts.

At the podium, maybe you wanna choose different kinds of languages, or at least focus on just what the policies are about. And this is actually what I advocate for, is you don’t need the word, but you do need the policy and people can get on board with the policy ’cause it makes sense. So talk about how you’re going to do universal public services and a job guarantee to secure livelihood permanently, but also scale down what people understand already to be destructive and intensive and less necessary forms of production. People can get on board with this.

We know already that in Democratic citizens assemblies in France, Spain and the UK, people have opted for these policies themselves, democratically. They gravitate toward that kind of objective. So you don’t need the word, but you do need the ideas. And so I think that’s for me, the important points. At the same time, we should also recognize that the term degrowth was coined precisely because it was provocative, and forced people to reconsider their existing assumptions about reality and the economy.

And that has been very powerful because the term has gone from being unknown a couple of years ago, to now being widely understood, particularly within progressive circles. And I think that’s helped to change the discourse about what kind of future we want and what is necessary for us to do. I think we have to recognize these various dimensions of it. It’s complicated in that respect.

[00:38:51] Grumbine: I agree with that a hundred percent. From my vantage point, I don’t think I hide it very well, I’m terribly against the capitalist mode of production, in the way that we allow the co-opting of these concepts with ‘green growth’. Greenwashing companies to make them look like they’re the leaders in ecological production, and in reality they’re mass polluters, they’re undemocratic, and the fat cats at the top are definitely the fattest of them all.

And we’ve gotta find a way to take care of that, and I do believe that degrowth is exactly the correct path forward. As you stated, a lot of people are coming to this for the first time and they hear that, the marriage of degrowth and eco socialism seems to be such a nice marriage. You can’t just snap your fingers and suddenly we’re ecosocialists now. You might be personally, but as far as means of production and the way society’s structured, that’s gonna take some transition that I don’t think people are fully prepared for.

And I think the concept of degrowth helps us begin that anti-imperialist, anti colonialist, internationalist approach. And helps us see the Global North for what it’s been, and the Global South for what it needs, and where it needs to go as it has to develop. And it’s going to require carbon, it’s gonna require production for its own good and purposes. And in order to allow them to catch up, the North has to give back what it’s stolen, to some degree.

Call this reparations, I guess. Can you talk a little bit about that?

[00:40:32] Hickel: I’m glad you raised this. A really critical point to make here, and it’s actually absolutely core to any discourse about degrowth and core to the literature itself. Which is that we’re talking about the high income countries here. We’re not talking about countries in the Global South, where we know in many cases, they need to increase per capita material and energy use in order to build up the infrastructure necessary for decent living and for wellbeing for all. Public transit and electricity, housing, schools, hospitals.

This takes material and takes energy, and that has to be done. The important thing is we know for a fact that it is possible to deliver decent lives for everyone on the planet, with levels of material and energy use that are in fact sustainable and compatible with sufficiently rapid decarbonization.

This is amazing news. It’s incredibly important empirical optimism, but this is going to require what is effectively, a convergence in the world economy. Where you have a reduction in excess energy and material use in the core, along with that an increase or a reclaiming of material and energy use in the periphery.

By ‘reclaiming’ what I mean is that, let’s be honest, they’re doing a lot of production already. The problem is all that production is organized around servicing multinational corporations through global commodity chains. So they benefit very, very little from that production. So it’s about reclaiming that productive capacity for them to meet the national development objectives, but ultimately on a global level converging to levels of energy and material use that are again, compatible with human wellbeing for all and ecological stability.

And that has to be the goal for any self-respecting ecosocialist movement. That has to be front and center. And sadly, for a lot of the left in the core, they never think about this issue and it’s actually egregious and that needs to be addressed. So there’s clearly an important, anti-colonial dimension to degrowth scholarship and activism and political demands. I think that’s gotta be highlighted.

But I wanted to go back to one of the things you said earlier about this marriage between degrowth and ecosocialism, because I think this is really interesting to say. I think that one of the reasons the marriage, the unity, the synthesis is so important is because without the eco socialism side, degrowth has a problem. Which is that it immediately sounds like you’re talking only about reducing materials and energy without any transformation of the underlying economy, towards human needs and wellbeing.

ecosocialism, at least in the word itself, draws one’s attention to that objective, and so that’s really important. Of course, on the other hand, ecosocialism without degrowth can quite often go off in a kind of green growth fantasy direction. Which violates empirical evidence and violates anti-imperialist principles, and that’s also important to address.

And so synthesizing these two perspectives, I think brings these core elements together. And this is what I was trying to articulate in the essay that we started talking about earlier, The Double Objective of Democratic Ecosocialism. We need this synthesis, and I think that bringing degrowth and eco-socialist ideas together is really essential here.

But also because we need a political movement that is capable of bringing about this kind of transformation. And it’s very clear that this is going to require class mobilization. Working class movements, unions, other working class political formations have to be part of this, otherwise you will definitely lose.

And so simply having environmentalists arguing for, we have to have, this is never going to work until you have a unity of political forces, a unity of the student movement and the environmentalist movement and working class political formations, that can mobilize around the double objective, around wellbeing for all and ecological stability. And build a movement that is powerful enough to force incumbents to change course or otherwise unseat them.

And I think that has to be our objective because it’s very clear that our existing political establishment is incapable of addressing the fundamental contradictions, both social and ecological, that capitalism produces. And they have no intention of trying in any meaningful way. So either look, we sit back and we continue to watch this kind of death spiral that we’re very clearly in, with accelerating ecological consequences and accelerating cost of living crises and class misery, or we mobilize to do something about it at a very fundamental level.

And this is really what I want to bring to the fore here, is that, we can talk all day about how beautiful an ecosocialist future might be. We can talk all day about the empirical possibilities of a just and ecological world economy, but until we incorporate core, feasible ideas into our political movements, then we get nowhere.

And so I really urge listeners to take very seriously the objective of thinking about how to make universal public services, a job guarantee, et cetera, core to our political and social movements, both to the unions and to the environmentalist movements. These are essential to accomplishing both our ecological and social objectives, and we need to start mobilizing around them.

[00:45:39] Grumbine: Your quote from the paper that we’re talking about is so unbelievably powerful. I’ve had this highlighted, and I’ve been waiting to get to it. So if you don’t mind, I’m gonna take a moment and read from “the future”, that will be in the Monthly Review in September. It says…

none of this will happen on its own. It will require a major political struggle against those who benefit so prodigiously from the status quo. This is not a time for mild reformism tweaking around the edges of a failing system. This is a time for revolutionary change. Further go on to say it is clear, however, that the environmentalist movement that has mobilized over the past several years cannot serve as the sole agent of that change.

While it has succeeded in bringing ecological problems to the forefront of public discourse, it lacks the structural analysis and political leverage to achieve the necessary transition. The bourgeois green parties are particularly egregious with their dangerous inattention to the question of working class livelihoods, social policy, and imperialist dynamics.

To overcome these limitations, it is urgently important for environmentalists to build alliances with the unions, the labor movements, and other working class political formations, which have much more political leverage, including the power of the strike. “

This is so powerful to me Jason. Because one of the things that I’ve been saying for some time now, and you give form to the idea here, is that we have to go beyond just political parties. The parties themselves are a hollowed husk in many cases, that have been captured by those same capitalist forces. When I look at the unions and other environmentalist actions and other working class movements, to organize as a vanguard beyond just a political process, and wield political power through direct action and through organizing. I think it’s really vital.

[00:47:42] Hickel: I think it’s essential, and I think it’s clearly the next step that we need to take, is to realize that a different kind of political formation is going to be necessary here, and we should waste no time in trying to build it. I think we should also realize this is gonna be a process of trial and error, and we just have to start trying things until something works and sticks. It’s gonna be impossible for us to sit down and formulate what the perfect, effective political mobilization would look like. But we have to try and we have to see where things go, and I think that that’s already occurring in some ways. We’ve seen XR rise and become exhausted. We’ve seen fights for future rise and become exhausted.

Clearly, these have brought us to a certain extent, but are not capable of taking us further. And so we see the rise of other kinds of formations like Just Stop Oil or Climate Vanguard, which are beginning to incorporate a class critique and class demand, more into their organizing. But there’s still a long ways to go.

And I think that one thing is clear, which is that for any environmentalists, it is urgent that you join unions, you work with unions, you speak to unions, you understand their concerns. That has to happen as a matter of absolute urgency, but it’s also clear that the unions need to move too. And I say this not as a critic from the outside, but as a lifelong member of unions.

It’s apparent to me that somehow we have allowed our political horizons, as a movement, to shrink down to like, industry specific battles over wages and conditions. And we have forgotten about our core vision, which was to deal with the deeper problem, the general structure of the capitalist economy. That it is fundamentally anti-democratic, that it does not meet human needs in a reasonable way. It produces the artificial scarcities that we’re constantly battling like Whack-A-Mole.

So instead of being unions that are dealing with Whack-A-Mole, like let’s deal with some employer abuses here, let’s deal with some job losses there. This is not going to cut it. We can’t do this anymore. We have to revive our original ambitions, and mobilize to secure the social foundation for all. With universal public services, with a job guarantee, with living wages, with economic democracy, and with radical ecological action. That has to be the objective of the unions. Otherwise, we are just a shadow of what we could be.

And so this double transformation has to occur within the environmentalist movements and within the unions, to converge at this ecosocial movement that we’re calling for.

[00:50:10] Grumbine: I appreciate your time. This has been incredible for me. My final question to you Jason, it focuses on the counter-revolutionary forces at play. You talked about Extinction Rebellion rising and then exhausting, and different groups. And what has been clear since the days, of even the French Revolution, is that when the people rise up, the counter-revolution learns from what you’ve done. They take action and then they become a pseudo revolutionary force in their own counter-revolutionary way.

We’ve watched governments learn from movements like Occupy Wall Street, crack down on them, shut them down. We have seen fascism rising all around, stifling movements such as this. How do we operate within that space? What kind of sacrifice do we have to be willing to take on, as individuals and as groups? I know you said it’s trial and error. History is a good guide of what happens with social movements and you can see their arc and how the counter-revolutionary forces meet them, and close them down. What kind of a fight are we looking at here?

[00:51:24] Hickel: Yeah, I think we can’t underestimate the scale of the struggle that is really involved here. I think that we have to take inspiration from successful social movements that have occurred in the past. There’s this amazing line from Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso that goes ‘we are the heirs of the world’s revolutions’.

Pretty much every good thing that we have is the result of revolutionary forces that fought to bring that to be. Everything from literally the minimum wage, as pitiful as it is, to the weekends, to whatever admittedly meager forms of democracy we get to exercise. These are all the benefits of revolutionary movements that have at least won some concessions in the past, and in some cases against extraordinary odds.

Think about the anti-colonial movements of the middle of the 20th century, where the poorest, most oppressed people on the planet, overcame power of the most violent imperialist forces in the world, that history had ever known… and succeeded in establishing independent nations.

We saw that there was of course, backlash against that as well, but I mean, the scale of the accomplishment is extraordinary. The labor movement in Western Europe in the 19th century was very successful in many crucial respects. The movement for women’s suffrage, the Civil Rights Movement in the USA. These are absolutely incredible achievements. Again, these are all rights that are constantly under threat, but the achievement itself cannot be understated.

So think about what that required. Study their tactics, understand what it takes to achieve that kind of thing, and that kind of transformation. It takes real organizing. It takes door to door, wall to wall solidarity, building relationships in communities, planning, strategizing. These are things that most people in high income countries who enjoy a certain amount of comfort and privilege are just not used to, and it’s something we have to start taking seriously.

I think that learning from, and crucially also uniting with, struggles that do understand the stakes and necessary tactics, is indispensable. And we just have to be serious about that, I think.

[00:53:36] Grumbine: Thank you so much, Jason. I really appreciate this. This has been very enlightening for me. Let me ask you what other things you got going on? Where can we find more of your work?

[00:53:47] Hickel: We are just starting a new research project. We’re in the process of hiring a team right now and it’s gonna be working on advancing the frontiers of a lot of the knowledge around this. So I’m really excited about this, keep an eye out for what this team produces. I think it’s gonna be revolutionary and exciting, and will hopefully continue to inspire movements and learn from movements and synthesize insights, that are coming from so many quarters right now. So stay tuned for that.

[00:54:14] Grumbine: Fantastic. Alright, well, thank you so much Jason for joining me today. This is Steve Grumbine, I’m the host of Macro N Cheese. My guest, Jason Hickel.

We are outta here.

[00:54:31] End Credits: Macro N Cheese is produced by Andy Kennedy. Descriptive Writing by Virginia Cotts and promotional artwork by Andy Kennedy. Macro N Cheese is publicly funded by our Real Progressives Patreon account. If you would like to donate to Macro N Cheese, please visit patreon.com/realprogressives.

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