Laugarren karlistada, Podemos-etik Valentziara: esaera berria

(1) Podemos:

Mezua:

Subject: Re: Catalanes en Gipuzkoa (nueva versión)
From: anna.arque@
Date: Tue, 14 Jun 2016 00:10:35 +0200
To: josebafelix@outlook.es

Desenmascarando poco a poco la falsa defensa de Podemos al derecho a la AUTOdeterminación de Catalunya:

https://www.facebook.com/ICEC.Cat/videos/827385604059662/

Bona nit!
Anna Arqué

Enviat des del meu iPhone

(2) Valentzia:

Valentziatik datorkigu mezu argia:

“Hemen hasitako borrokak arrakasta izan du Katalunian”

Euskal Herria: De la desesperança al camí unilateral cap a la pau (2007-2011) (Euskal Herria: etsipenetik aldebakartasunaren bidera, bakerantz) liburua argitaratu berri du Pau Perez Duatok (Valentzia, Herrialde Katalanak, 1988).

(…)

Zergatik erabaki duzu Madrilgo aireportuko T4 terminaleko 2006ko erasoarekin hasi zela borroka armatuaren amaiera?

1980ko hamarkadaren amaieran ETAk Aljeriako negoziazioen menia hautsi zuenean, ezker abertzaleak isildu egin behar izan zuen. Baina, 2006an, Arnaldo Otegik Jesus Egigurenekin sukaldean asko landutakoa agente bakar baten erabakiz apurtu zen, eta, orduan, lehen aldiz esan zion ezker abertzaleak ETAri dagoeneko ez zela abangoardia izango.

Tesia idazten ari zara Euskal Nazio Askapenerako Mugimenduaren estrategiaren eboluzioaz. Zer frogatzeko?

Hau da eztabaidaren funtsa mundu akademikoan: estrategia aldaketa oportunista izan da? Beste aukerarik ez zegoelako egin dela, alegia: erakundea militarki ahul zegoelako, Alderdien Legea egin zutelako… Tesian ezetz erakutsi nahi dut, ez zelako lehen aldia hori egiten saiatu zirena. 1992an ere ahotsa altxatzen saiatu ziren batzuk, Lizarra-Garaziko saioa, Aralar, Loiolako eztabaidak… Estrategia aldatzeko saioak izan ziren horiek guztiak. Tiroa jotzea eta ETAren sinadura jartzea erraza da: bi pertsona aski dira horretarako. Zaila da, ordea, jende asko aldatzea, batzarrak egitea, denak atzetik jarraitzea, ez apurtzea…

Euskal Herria Kataluniari begira dagoen bitartean, salbuespena zara Katalunian hona begira egoteagatik?

Beti esan da katalanek baskitisa dutela. Otegik duela aste batzuk esan zuen Bartzelonan orain katalanak lehenak direla eta euskaldunak atzetik doazela. Nire ustez, Katalunian gauzatu da ezker abertzalea Euskal Herrian eraikitzen saiatu zena: indar metaketa eta herritar kopuru handi bat biltzea horren atzean. Hemen hasitako borrokak —Antonio Gramsciren estiloko masa borrokak— arrakasta izan du Katalunian, paradoxikoki.

Ahal Dugu-k Euskal Herrian izan dituen emaitzei begiratuta, badirudi hemen jende askok uste duela Espainia aldatzerik badagoela.

Pablo Iglesiasek inoiz ez zuen aipatu Kataluniaren erabakitzeko eskubidea, bozetan kolpea jaso zuen arte. Orduan, bai, «erreferenduma». Horrek erakusten dit haientzat estatu eredua ez dela lehentasuna. Gainera, PPk irabaziko du. Horrek are gehiago hauspotuko du katalanen eta euskal herritarren independentzia gogoa? Ikusiko dugu. Baina oso panorama interesgarria dator. Dena bor-bor ari da.”

(3) Esaera berria:

Kanpotik etorriko da etxetik botako zaituana” barik, hauxe esan behar dugu:

Kanpotik etorriko da etxean ikusten ez dena argituko duena!”


 

Iruzkinak (1)

  • joseba

    Podemos & the Limits of the Neoliberal Order

    http://linkis.com/com/S9sQO

    by Jorge Amar & Scott Ferguson

    “… Podemos proposed a Basic Income Guarantee (BIG) and debt relief for citizens, in addition to making more general promises about ending austerity. (…)
    … The real problem with Podemos’ political economy, we claim, lies less in the specific proposals the party is offering but, rather, in the unreflected neoliberal assumptions that underlie the party’s shifting economic platform. First among these assumptions is Podemos’ apparently blind commitment to the doctrine of sound finance: the mythic principle that a healthy national economy requires government to balance its budget, whether in the short run or over the course of the business cycle. As Modern Monetary Theory has shown, this principle is not only inimical to economic productivity, but also debilitating for equality and justice. Meanwhile, this principle rests upon another noxious maxim Podemos holds dear: the false notion that states are revenue constrained and that a government must tax before it can spend toward the public good.
    The only scenarios under which a sovereign government might be constrained in this way, contends Modern Monetary Theory economists, is when international gold standards or currency-peg agreements force states to accept debt obligations in a currency over which they assert little control. Such arrangements not only limit public spending to the tax revenues the state is capable of collecting, but also force governments to bend to the dictates of international creditors. Put another way, metal standards and currency pegs transform sovereign nations into de facto colonies of other political bodies. (…)
    Europe’s phantom gold standard has not only immiserated populations, but also quashed Syriza’s resistance to the ongoing devastation in Greece. This is not merely because the Troika rejected what Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis consistently referred to as Syriza’s “modest proposal.” It is because the metaphysical finitude inscribed into the Eurozone framework has made real transformation unimaginable, as Varoufakis and his team sadly discovered.
    For this reason, Podemos will have to directly politicize the Eurozone’s taken-for-granted finitude if it wishes to make meaningful and lasting transformations. First and foremost, this means reclaiming the state’s monetary sovereignty and boundless fiscal capacities. The state is limited by real resources and productive infrastructures but simply cannot run out of an abstract unit of account. Only by seizing government’s power to spend as needed can Podemos hope to end austerity and create the conditions for full employment and widespread prosperity. Yet for all its leftist rhetoric and broad grass-roots support, Podemos remains ill-equipped to end austerity since it does not dare imagine liberating Spain’s public purse from the Troika’s asphyxiating grip.
    Podemos’ economic program is thoroughly consistent with the gold standard metaphysics of sound finance. Party leaders imagine they can simultaneously adopt this ideology and succeed in accomplishing what Syriza could not: acting against austerity while playing along with Eurozone budgetary rules. Upon these faulty premises, Podemos then treats what is in reality a very conservative tax-and-spend liberalism as the crux of its economic strategy. A Podemos-led government would seek to reverse social spending cuts by increasing some taxes, creating a slate of new taxes, and reinforcing the mandate of the AEAT (the Spanish equivalent of the IRS) of fighting tax evasion. Believing that public programs should be funded by this revenue, Podemos thus plans to tether the recovery and expansion of the Spanish welfare state upon the futile task of fighting tax avoidance within a zone that permits free trade and capital movement. In such a zone, every private person and corporation can shuffle money easily between countries without notice. Barring a common tax authority and total multinational cooperation, even the most vigilant efforts to collect taxes are bound to fail.
    Podemos’s chief economist, Nacho Alvarez, is quite explicit about the party’s devotion to sound finance and tax-and-spend economics. Alvarez expressly supports government budget-balancing. He breaks with the European Central Bank (ECB) only on the timeline he asserts is required to achieve the criteria outlined by the Eurozone’s Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). Alvarez is also the architect behind Podemos’ tax-based strategy to fix the welfare state, which he presumes to be the only way out of the current mess.
    Podemos thinks it can somehow accomplish what Syriza did not. However, it must learn the true lesson of the Greek fiasco: as long as a nation-state remains inside the Eurozone and subject its SGP budget requires, there shall be no alternative to austerity or the neoliberal order. (…)
    Unless Podemos or any other leftist party is prepared to proffer a positive alternative to the rules of the neoliberal game, we will no doubt suffer a disaster that is far greater than the one we are currently witnessing in Greece.”

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